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KHBUfG nSTJUN 1 5 1923 






















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An Alliterative Poem, written about 1386, 

narrating a Miracle wrought by the Bishop 

in St. Paul's Cathedral 




^-^ ^/ 





'erkenwalde, christi lampas aurea^ 
tua sancta prece nostra dele facinora. 
quatenus te collodantes stellata 
gratulari tecum poscimus in palacia, 
ubi nova domino reboantes cantica 
consona voce jubilemus alleluja.' 

From Sequence for the Office of St. Erkenwald} 


1 See Sparrow Simpson's Documents Illustrating the History of St. PauVs 
Cathedral, Camden Society, 1880. 


The Manuscript. Si. Erkeiiwald is preserved in one manu- 
script, Brit. Mus. Harl. 2250, ff. 72b-75a. This paper 
manuscript, which belongs to the last quarter o£ the fifteenth 
century, is a miscellany, mainly of religious poetry, including 
a portion of the South English Legendary.^ A defective 
version of the Sjjecidum Christiani of John Watton, in the 
manuscript, ends with the date 1477 as the year when the 
scribe copied the piece. The present poem is headed 'De 
Erkenwaldo', though the head-lines vary, giving either 
' De sancto Erkenwald ' or ' De sancto Erkenwaldo episcopo '. 
Our poem is in the same hand as the main part of the 
manuscript, the contents of which, whatever their origin, are 
in the Northern dialect. Some late glosses, of little interest, 
indicate that some one in the late sixteenth or seventeenth 
century attempted to read the present poem. 

Certain names found in the manuscript are of interest. 
' ^er Thomas boker has Thys boke ', f . 8, is a claim to owner- 
ship, in a legal hand of the sixteenth century, which is further 
attested by a slightly later hand, ' syr Thomas bowker mine 
emys ', i. e. Sir Thomas Bowker my uncle^s [book], f . 71. 
' Eme ' is suggestively northern. I have not been able to 
trace Sir Thomas Bowker as knight, and it seems quite 

^ For the contents of the MS. see Catalogue of tlie Harleian MSS. , British 
Museum ; C. Horstmann's AUenglische Legetiden, 1875, p. xxxviii ; Ward's 
Catalogue of Romances in tlie MSS. Depi., British Museum, vol. ii, pp. 690, 738 ; 
Carleton Brown's Register of Middle English Religious Verse, vol. i, p. 314 
(see also MS. Add. 38666). 



possible that the addition was used by him for marking his 
clerical position as parson or chaplain. Other names are 
Thomas Masse (? Mosse), f. 64 b, and what looks like Neltho 
Norton, £. 75 b. Some jottings are of interest, as for example 
against the words ' How longe had he ]>er layne \ 1. 95, we 
find ' we'redyn in a boke ' followed by a word or two illegible, 
and a reference in one of the margins of f. 75 b to ' K/yght 
reu<?/*rynd Sodor ', before which last word is a mark resembling 

But transcending in interest all these annotations is a 
marginal entry running along the length of the page, looking 
like an attempt on the part of some one to write out a legal 
formula, the words being as follows : ' Nouerint vniu(?;'si per 
ipresentes nos Eesebyt (?= Elsebyt) bothe of dunnam (wrongly 
contracted) in the comytye (= county) of Chester in the 
comythe ', followed out of line by what looks like ' edmwid \ 
Now Dr. W. L. Ward, in his Catalogue, suggested that this 
entry, with the name of Elsebyt Bothe of Dunham Massey, 
might have reference to Elizabeth, daughter of George Booth, 
and wife of Richard Sutton. This would give us about 1566 
as date for the entry. But Elizabeth was a common name in 
the great Booth family, and there was an earlier Elizabeth 
Booth. This matter, however, cannot be determined. For 
me, the point of striking value is that the book, in some 
way or other, was connected with a member of the famous 
Lancashire and Cheshire family of Booth, who were settled 
at Dunham Massey, and from whom came the great bishop 
and statesman, Laurence Booth, and his half-brothers, William, 
Archbishop of York, and John, Bishop of Exeter. Laurence 
Booth was one of the outstanding figures of his age, a 
Cambridge man, Master of his College, Pembroke Hall, from 
1450 to the date of his death in 1480, Chancellor of the 
University, Chancellor to Queen Margaret, Keeper of the 



Privy Seal, Bishop of Durham, Archbishop of York, identified 
for some six or seven years with St. Paul's Cathedral, as 
prebendary in 1449, and after various promotions, as Dean in 
1456. His brothers also figure on the roll of the prebendaries. 
It is not, perhaps, allowing one's fancy too much liberty to 
imagine that the preservation of St. Hrkemmld may be due to 
this West Midland prelate, statesman, and man of law, who 
as Dean of St. Paul's must have known the poem, and as 
a West Midland man would have been specially interested in 
its form and language. Treasured among his books, the 
poem may well have been copied into this collection of 
religious pieces prepared for him towards the end of his life. 
The book remained in his family, and some time or other 
some one, evidently intimate with his kinswoman, Elizabeth 
Booth of Dunham Massey, practised his hand in legal 
formulae, little deeming of the inference deducible, or at all 
events hazarded, from the evidence of the crude script. In 
the light of what I shall later attempt to prove, namely, that 
the poem, specifieally a London poem, was written in London 
by a West Country man, this association of the manuscript 
with one of the greatest western families, whose most dis- 
tinguished representative was for a time the custodian of 
St. Erkenwald's shrine, deserves more than a passing notice. 

8t. Erkenwald was printed in 1881 by Dr. Horstmann in 
Altenglische Legenclen, Neiie Folge (Heilbronn), with some fifty 
brief foot-notes to the text, a short summary of the poem, and 
some nine lines of introduction. So far, the poem has not 
been edited, and although it has been the subject of much 
general speculation, its textual problems, its interpretation, 
and the question of its metrical arrangement have remained 
unsolved, to say nothing of the important relation of the poem 
to fourteenth-century alliterative poetry, more especially in 
its relation to contemporary London. 



The present edition is based on a fresh transcript of the 
manuscript. Apart from interpretations and readings, and 
from emendations indicated by square brackets or obeli, it 
differs from the previous text in its quatrain arrangement.^ 
As far as the expansion of contractions is concerned, the curl 
in the manuscript after final -n is regarded by me as being 
merely ornamental, or as originally indicating that the letter 
was -n and not -u. Accordingly, the former expansion into 
-ne has been rejected throughout. In the Textual and 
General Notes will be found all the deviations from the 

Summary of the Poem. After the coming of St. Au- 
gustine, when Erkenwald was Bishop of London, there befell 
a miracle in St. PauFs Cathedral, which had formerly been 
a heathen temple. During the rebuilding of the minster, or 
rather that part of it which was called ' New Work ', in the 
crypt below was found a noble tomb of gray marble, richly 
ornamented, with vaulted canopy, and inscribed about with 
bright letters of gold, that could not be interpreted in spite 
of the efforts of all the clerks in the cathedral close. The 
news of the wonder spread throughout the town. Many 
hundreds rushed thither — burgesses, beadles, guildsmen. Ap- 
prentices struck work and hied to St. Paul's, and in a short 
spell it seemed as if the whole world had assembled there. 
The Mayor and his officers, by assent of the sacristan, took 
charge of the place. They bade that the lid should be taken 
off the tomb ; and lo, the inside was all richly painted with 
gold. Therein lay a body, royally attired, with gown hemmed 
with bright gold and precious pearls, with girdle also of gold. 
Over the robe was a furred mantle. On the head was a coif, 
and set above it was a crown; the hands held a noble sceptre. 

^ See Prefaces to Cleanness and PaHmce in Sdect Earhj English Poems, ed. 
Sir I. Gollancz. 



So fresh and untouched were both body and garb, it seemed 
that the burial must have been but of yesterday. Yet no 
one could find any record thereof in book or in tale. 

Bishop Erkenwald was visiting- an abbey in Essex, when 
news reached him of this excitement in town. He sent 
messages entreating the people to keep quiet, and as soon as 
possible journeyed thither himself. When he reached St. 
Paul's, many hastened to tell him of the marvel. He entered 
his palace, commanded silence, went alone into a chamber 
and closed the door. All night he prayed that it might be 
vouchsafed him to understand the mystery, and he was 
conscious that the Holy Ghost had granted him his boon. 
When 'matins' had been sung, the minster doors were 
opened, and the Bishop in full pontificals, attended by his 
clergy, began the Mass of the Holy Spirit, amid the music 
of the choir. It was a noble congregation that was present. 
When the service was ended, the procession passed from the 
altar. As the bishop came into the body of the church, some 
of the great lords present joined him, and, vested as he was, 
he went towards the tomb. The crypt was unlocked, and 
it was difficult to control the great crowd that pressed after 
him. In front of the tomb the bishop took his stand, barons 
beside him ; and there, too, was the mayor with the city 
magnates, the mace-bearers in front. The dean told what 
had befallen, and with his finger indicated the finding of 
that marvel. In their necrology there was no mention of such 
a one. They had searched the cathedral library for seven 
whole days, but of this king they could not find any record.^ 
Save by some miracle, he could not have lain there so long 
as so entirely to pass out of memory. With gentle rebuke 
the bishop more hopefully urged that what seemed marvellous 

* There is an earlier interesting reference to the library of St. Paul's 
in the thirteenth-century Miracles of the Virgin in French, where in the 

ix b 


to men was easy to the Lord. When the creature's powers 
are all at a loss, it behoves him to seek help from the Creator. 
Turning- then to the tomb^ he bade the corse, in Christ's name, 
to tell who it was and why it lay there, how long it had 
thus rested, what was its faith, whether it was 'joined to 
joy, or judged to pain'. As he spoke, the bishop sighed. 
Thereupon the body moved slightly, and with a dreary voice 
it told how, through the potency of the Name, it could not 
but speak and declare the whole truth. He was, alas, one of 
the unhappiest of mortals, he was neither king nor kaiser 
nor knight, he was a man of the law that formerly obtained 
in the land. He was a judge appointed for important causes 
in that city under a pagan prince, and he himself was of like 
pagan faith. He had been a 'justice in eyre' in New Troy 
in the reign of King Belin. The multitude stood hushed as 
these words were uttered ; many of them wept. Then the 
bishop asked why it was, as he had not been king, that he 
wore the crown ; and why he bore the sceptre, seeing he had 
no land or vassals, nor power over life and limb. Whereupon 
the body spake again. Crown and sceptre were placed on 
him, but not by his will. For forty years he had been chief 
judge — Justiciar — in London under a noble duke, and had 
endured much in his endeavour to keep the people to the 
right. For no gain on earth did he swerve from conscience ; 
neither riches nor rank, neither menace nor mischief nor 
pity, influenced his judgements. ' Though it had been my 
father's murderer, I harboured no biasj nor would I have 
favoured my father, though hanging were his due.' 

Prologue it is stated that the author did not invent the miracles, but 
found them in a book in the 'almarie', i.e. library, of St. Paul's. 
' Jo lai de saint pol del almarie. 
De saint pol de la noble iglise, 
Ki en lundres est bien assise.' 

(Ward, Romances, vol. ii, p. 709.) 



"When he died, all Troy mourned, because of his great 
justice, and they buried him in that golden tomb. They clad 
him in that robe as most gracious of judges, in that mantle 
as meekest and manliest on bench. The fur set thereon was 
for his perfect faith ; the girdle betokened his noble govern- 
ance of Troy. In honour of his fair fame exceeding all, 
they crowned him appraised king of noble justices, and because 
he ever looked to what was just, they placed the sceptre within 
his hand. 

The bishop then asked him how, though his body might 
thus have been kept embalmed, the colour and substance 
of his garb had remained so fresh. It had not been embalmed, 
answered the corse j nor had human craft kept its robes so 
spotless. The All-wise King, Who loves justice above all 
things, had vouchsafed that it might remain uncorrupted so 

' What sayest thou of thy soul ? ' then asked the bishop. 
' How is thy soul bestead, if thou wroughtest so well ? He 
that rewards each man as he has acted aright, could ill deny 
thee some branch of His grace.' The body moved its head 
and groaned, and then cried out, ' How for Thy mercy could 
I ever hope? Was I not a pagan, who never knew Thee 
nor Thy laws, alas the day ! I was not of those Thou didst 
rescue from Limbo ; I remained there behind, exiled from the 
Heavenly Feast, where they are refreshed who hungered after 
righteousness.' All wept as they heard the moaning of the 
corse; the bishop himself could not speak for sobbing. He 
paused; then turning to the body where it lay, his tears 
falling the while, spake thus : ' God grant thee but to live 
till I get water and may baptize thee in the name of the 
Father and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost ! ' And as he 
uttered the words, he let fall a tear on the face of the corse. 
' Praised be our Saviour,' the corse then exclaimed, ' praised 



be Thou, great God, and Thy gracious Mother; blessed be 
the bhssful hour she bore Thee ; and blessed be thou, bishop, 
the cure of my care, who hast relieved the heavy gloom 
wherein my soul has dwelt. The words that thou spakest, 
and the tears of thine eyes, have become my baptism : my 
soul even now is seated at the Table. With the words and 
the water there flashed a gleam into the abyss, and amid 
richest mirth my spirit passed into that Upper Room, where 
sup the faithful. A marshal met it there with sovereign 
grace, and with reverence assigned to it a place for evermore. 
My high God praise I, and also thee, bishop — blessed be 
thou ! ' The voice then ceased, the body fell to dust. 

'All the beauty of the body was black as the mould. 
As rotten as the rottock that rises in dust. 

For as soon as the soul was seised in bliss. 
Corrupt was the cumbrance that covered the bones; 
For life everlasting, that lessen shall never. 
Makes void each vain glory availing so little. 

Then was there laud to our Lord, with uplifted hands. 
Much mourning and mirth commingled together; 
They passed forth in procession, the people all followed. 
And all the bells in London-town burst forth at once.^ 

The Prologue. A Prologue precedes the poem, telling 
that in the time of St. Erkenwald, Bishop of London, one 
part of St. Paul's, formerly a heathen temple, had been 
pulled down for rebuilding; and the poet briefly explains 
how the pagan Saxons had driven out the Britons, and had 
perverted the people of London, who had previously been 
Christians. This realm had remained heathen for many 
years, until St. Augustine was sent by the pope. He con- 
verted the people again to Christianity; he turned heathen 
temples into churches ; in place of idols he set up saints. 
He changed the old dedications — Apollo to St. Peter, 



Mahoun to St. Margaret or St. Mary Magdalene. ^The 
Synagogue of the Sun' was dedicated to our Lady. Thus 
St. Augustine consecrated to Christian use what had been 
the Seat of Satan in the days of Saxon heathendom. At 
that time London was called New Troy ; it has ever been 
the metropolis and chief town. Its great temple was dedi- 
cated to a mighty devil, and bore his name. This devil was 
the most honoured of all idols in Saxon lands. There were 
then three metropolitan cities in Biitain, each with its great 
temple, and London's ' Temple Triapolitan ' — ' ]>q thrid temple 
hit wos tolde of Triapolitanes ' — became, after St. Augustine's 
mission, the Minster of St. Paul. 

The alliterative poets found special delight in preluding 
their poems with references to the legend that linked Britain 
with Brutus, the eponymous Trojan who first settled the land. 
But this miracle of Erkenwald, connecting Christian London 
with pagan Troynovant, called for a prologue dealing with 
heathen England, and more especially with St. Augustine's 
conversion of the Saxons, and with the transformation of 
heathen temples into Christian churches. The reference to 
Brutus was to find due place in the poem itself. 

The main source of our poet's knowledge was certainly 
Geoffrey of Monmouth's Historia Britonum. His references 
to the driving of the Britons into Wales by the Saxons, to 
the perversion of the folk who remained (more particularly 
those of London), and to the apostasy of Britain till the 
coming of St. Augustine, are clearly derived from Book XI, 
chs. viii-xii. When, however, our poet proceeds with the 
statement regarding the hurling out of the heathen idols and 
the dedications of the temples as churches, he is rightly 
transferring to St. Augustine the account given in Geoffrey 
concerning Lucius, the first British king to embrace the 
Christian faith. In Book IV, ch. xix, it is told how in his 



time and at his request two holy men had been sent to Britain 
by Pope Eleutherius. After they had almost extinguished 
paganism throughout the whole island, they dedicated the 
temples, that had been founded in honour of many gods, 
to the one God and His saints, and filled them with congre- 
gations of  Christians. In Book V, ch. i, we are told that 
Lucius rejoiced at the great progress which the true faith 
had made in his kingdom, and permitted the possessions and 
territories which formerly belonged to the temples of the 
gods to be converted to better uses and appropriated to 
Christian churches. Lucius died in a. d. 156. Here we 
cleai'ly have the source of ' & chargit hom hetier' (1. 18). 

So far as St. Augustine^s consecration of a heathen temple 
for Christian worship is concerned, his name is associated 
with St. Pancras, Canterbury, which was the first church 
dedicated by him. This, as the historian Thorn tells us, was 
originally *a temple or idol-house, where King Ethelbert 
used to pray according to the rites of his nation and in 
company with his nobles, *' to sacrifice to devils and not to 
God ". This temple ', Thorn continues, ' Augustine purified 
from the pollutions and defilements of the Gentiles, and 
breaking the image which was in it, converted the synagogue 
into a church/ He states as follows : ' Phanum sive ydolum 
situm, ubi rex Ethelbertus secundum ritum gentis suae solebat 
orare, et cum nobilibus suis daemoniis et non Deo sacrificare. 
Quod phanum Augustinus ab inquinamentis et sordibus 
gentilium purgavit, et simulacro quod in ea erat confracto 
synagogam mutavit in ecclesiam.' ^ 

Our poet evidently knew from Bedels Ecclesiastical History 
St. Gregory's famous letter to the Abbot Mellitus concerning 

1 From the Chronicle of William Thorn, Jl. 1397 (see Mason, Mission of 
St. Augustine, p. 94), whose >vork up to the year 1228 was mainly from 
Sprott's History of St. Augustine's, Canterbury ; Sprott flourished about 1270. 



the heathen temples in England. ' When Almighty God 
brings you through to our brother the Bishop Augustine^ tell 
him what I have long been turning over in my thoughts in 
reference to the English ; namely, not to let the idol temples 
be destroyed in that nation, but to have the idols in them 
destroyed. Holy water should be made and sprinkled in 
the temples, altars built, and relics placed there. For if the 
temples are well built, they ought to be converted from the 
worship of demons to the service of the true God ; so that 
the people, seeing that their temples are not destroyed, may 
put away error from their hearts, and knowing and adoring 
the true God, may come with more of the sense of being at 
home to the familiar places.' ^ 

Our poet does not refer specifically to the foundation of 
St. Pancras, but his instances are noteworthy : 

(1) ' That ere was of Apollo is now of Saint Peter ' (1. 19). 
It was a well-known tradition that a church to St. Peter was 
erected by Seberht, king of the East Saxons, out of the remains 
of a temple of Apollo that stood on its site at Thorney, L e. West- 
minster. Concerning the history of Westminster Abbey, and 
the early legends connected with the foundation, see the History 
of the Abbey by John Elete, who was a monk of the house 
from 1420 to 1465. The work, well known and often 
quoted, was first edited by Dr. J. Armitage Robinson, Dean 
of Westminster, in 1909. The first document given by Flete 
claims to be from an ancient Anglo-Saxon chronicle ; but 

' The Mission of St. Augustine to England according to the Original Documents, 
ed. Professor A. J. Mason, Cambridge, 1897, p. 89. Compare Vmerabilis 
Baedae Historia Ecclesiasiica Gentis Anglorum, ed. Dr. Charles Plummer, 
Oxford, 1896, Bk. I, ch. xxx, with tlie notes to the chapter. I think we 
may safely assume that the passage concerning Lucius in Geoifrey of 
Monmouth was due, by a very natural application, to this passage in 
Bede's History. See also Sir Henry Howorth's Saint Augustine of Canterbury, 



according to the editor, it cannot be much earlier than the 
middle of the twelfth century. It gives an account of ' the 
first foundation of the church by King Lucius in a. d. 184, 
its degradation to be a temple of Apollo after the Diocletian 
persecution, its reconstruction by King Sebert and its con- 
secration by St. Peter '^in the spirit " '. Flete states that the 
pagan Angles and Saxons, having driven out the Christian 
Britons, erected altars and temples to their own gods. He 
then adds these words : ' rediit itaque veteris abominationis 
ubique sententia ; a sua Britones expelluntur patria ; immolat 
Dianae Londonia, thurificat Apollini sulurbana Thorneia.' 

(2) Possibly the reference to Westminster Abbey prompted 
' Mahound to Saint Margaret ', which immediately follows, 
though there were many other churches in London dedicated 
to St. Margaret besides the parish church of Westminster. 
There is nothing specific in ' Mahon ', which, like its variant 
' Maumet ', was applied to any false god or idol, under the 
common mediaeval idea that the false prophet was worshipped 
as a divinity. 

(3) ' The Synagogue of the Sun was set to our Lady * 
(1. 21). In the whole poem there is perhaps nothing more 
striking than this fine alliterative line, the significance of 
which has hitherto not been recognized. In thinking of 
instances to illustrate the conversion of heathen temples into 
Christian churches, our poet recalled from his reading of 
Geoffrey of Monmouth how King Bladud, the father of 
King Leir, built Kaerbadus, now Bath, and made hot baths 
in it for the benefit of the people, which he dedicated to the 
goddess Minerva, in whose temple he kept fires ' that never 
went out nor consumed to ashes, but as soon as they began to 
decay, were turned into balls of stone '. Now the Latin name 
for Bath, Aquae Solis, is said to be a Romanizing of the name 
of the divinity worshipped at Bath, namely Sul, whom the 



Romans identified with Minerva. The Roman remains which 
were found under the site of the present Pump Room are the 
clearest evidence of the grandeur of the temjiles dedicated to 
Sul Minerva, whose image has been discovered, together with 
several altars and many other remains, including a tombstone 
with the name of one of her priests, and also portions of the 
pediment of the temple with the great round sun-like face 
which was in the middle of it, perhaps one of the most 
remarkable relics of Celtic Britain. 

Camden and other antiquaries maintain that the Abbey 
Church stands where once was a temple consecrated to 
Minerva. On the other hand, according to the Red Book of 
Bath, in a statement added in 1582, it would appear that it 
was the old church of St. Mary de Stabula, i. e. St. Mary 
Stall, that had been built upon the ruins of a temple to 
Minerva, some of the ruins being actually then in existence.^ 
The greatest authority on Roman Britain, the late Professor 
Haverfield, summing up the evidence on the subject in the 
Victoria History of Somerset, vol. i, p. 229, asserts that 'while we 
admit a temple to Minerva, we shall find no evidence that it 
stood on the site either of the Abbey or of the now vanished 
church of St. Mary Stall \ and he adds in a foot-note that the 
reference in the Red Book of Bath was more probably due to 
antiquarian theory than to fact, otherwise we should have 
heard of it from Leland or Camden ; elsewhere he states that 
no one else mentions a ruin, and that it seems merely a bit of 
sixteenth-century antiquarianism. But I venture to think 
that the present line gives the missing evidence, for here our 
author, who may be assumed to be speaking from actual 
knowledge or local tradition, chooses out for special mention 
the Temple of the Sun, i.e. of Sul Minerva at Bath, as 

1 Est istud epitaphium sculptum a dextra in ostio ruinosi templi 
quondam Minervae dedicati, et adhuc in loco dicto sese studiosis offerens. 

xvii c 


having been consecrated to our Lady. His statement tends 
to confirm the evidence afforded by the fact that the remains 
of the temple were found for the most part in Stall Street, 
i. e. near the site of the now no longer existing" church of 
St. Mary Stall. It is quite likely that some vestiges of the 
old temple still existed in the fourteenth century, and that 
the reference, even as late as 1582, in the Bed Book of Bath, 
is not merely due, as Professor Haverfield maintained, to 
antiquarian imagination. In my opinion, however, the absence 
of any reference thereto in Camden and Leland is not con- 
clusive, for one could point to many noteworthy omissions in 
the works of both these antiquaries. Further, I am inclined 
to hold that we have other corroborative evidence enforcing 
the view I venture to set forth. In Layamon's Brief, written 
early in the thirteenth century, in the rendering of the passage 
quoted above from Geoffrey of Monmouth concerning Bladud 
as the founder of Bath and the builder of the temple to 
Minerva, we have (in the older of the two manuscripts of the 
poem) an interesting amplification, with the statement that 
he called Minerva 'Ifefdi', i.e. lady, and that the perpetual 
fire that burned in the temple was 'to the worship of his lady, 
who was dear to him in heart ' : 

' to wrtSscipe his laefdi, 
]>e leof him wes on heorten,' ^ 

Is not this interpolation a reference to the Church of Our 
Lady, St. Mary at Stall,^ as existing in Layamon^s time on 
the site of the pagan temple to Minerva, whom Bladud 
called ' his lady ' ? Layamon, who lived not so very far from 
Bath, would certainly have been acquainted with the history 
and traditions of the city. It is worth while noting, in dealing 

1 Vol. i, p. 121. 

2 St. Mary intra Muros, as it was called, in the year 1290 was so 
dilapidated that it then had to be thoroughly repaired. 



with the story of Bladud, that Geoffrey of Monmouth tells 
how that weird king, who first attempted to fly to the upper 
regions of the air with wings which he had prepared, fell 
down upon the temple of Apollo in the city of Trinovantum, 
i. e. New Troy, where he was dashed to pieces.^ 

Before leaving the subject of ancient Bath, and references 
thereto in these early poems, I cannot forgo the mention of 
the earliest of all allusions in English literature to its ruins 
which already in Anglo-Saxon times seem to have inspired 
no mean poet. In lines preserved in the Exeter Book we have, 
as Professor Earle, in my view, convincingly maintained, 
a description of the old Brito-Roman ruined city as left 
devastated after a. d. 577 : 

'Bright were the buildings, the bath-houses many. 
High-towered the pinnacles, frequent the war-clang, 
Many the mead-halls, of merriment full. 
Till all was overturned by Fate the violent . . . 
There stood courts of stone ! The stream hotly rushed 
With eddy wide (wall all enclosed), 
With bosom bright (there the baths were). 
Hot in its nature, that was a boon indeed/ ^ 

The alliterative formula ' Synagoge of ])Q Sowne ' was an 
echo of ' Synagoga Satanae ', i. e. synagogue of Satan ; and in 
1. 24 the poet refers to the 'seat of Satan' (Rev. ii. 13). It 
should be noted that synagoga or ' synagoge ' was common in 
Latin as in Middle English in the sense of a heathen temple. 

(4) The mention of Jupiter and Juno, as yielding to Jesus 
or James, has no definite significance, and the seeming identifi- 

1 Bk. II, ch. X. 

'■^ Earle, Anglo-Saxon Literature, 1884. As regards the antiquities of 
Bath, more especially with reference to the Temple of the Sun, compare 
Aquae Solis, or Notices of Roman Bath, by the Rev. H. M. Scarth, 1861 ; 
Richard Warner's History of Bath, 1801 ; Professor Earle's Guide to the 
Knowledge of Bath, 1864 ; Victoria History of Somerset, vol. i. 



cations are due to alliterative effect, as in the case of ' Maude- 
layne ' (1. 20), alliterating- with ' Marg-rete'. 

(5) The poet then passes again to London, and deals specifi- 
cally with the heathen temple that; after the conversion of the 
East Saxons, became the Cathedral of St. Paul's. He tells how 
a mighty devil was worshipped in that great minster of London, 
' the metropolis '/ then called New Troy. The Saxon temple 
was called after its idol, which was the greatest divinity in 
Saxon lands. It is strange that the author avoids giving the 
name of the heathen god. Old legends of St. Paul's con- 
jectured that ' a temple of Diana formerly stood here ^,^ but 
our poet, in touching on Saxon paganism, had no need to 
take cognizance of this legend. In Geoffrey of Monmouth, 
Bk. VI, ch. X, it is told in a famous passage how Hengist, 
on arriving in Kent, was conducted into the presence 
of Vortigern, who was then at Canterbury, and in a great 
speech explained how he and his brother Horsa, under the 
good guidance of Mercury, had arrived in that kingdom. The 
historian then tells that the king, at the name of Mercury, 
looked earnestly upon them, and asked them what religion 
they professed. ' We worship \ replied Hengist, ' our country 
gods, Saturn and Jupiter, and the other deities that govern the 
world, but especially Mercury, whom in our language we call 
Woden, and to whom our ancestors consecrated the fourth 
day of the week, still called after his name Wodensday. Next 
to him we worship the powerful goddess Frea, to whom they also 
dedicated the sixth day, which after her name we call Friday.' 
The poet is dealing, as he himself says, with the heathendom of 
London ' in Hengist's days ^ It was ingenious on his part, 

* He evidently got the term ' inctroiJol ' from Bede II, ch. iii, where 
' Lundonia civitas ' is described as the * Orieutalium Saxouum . . . 
metropolis ', the metropolis of the East Saxons. 

* Camden's Britannia, 1789, vol. ii, p. 5. 



with the passage just quoted before him, to infer (for I can 
discover no legendary authority for it) that Mercury, or 
rather Woden, was in pagan Saxon times the presiding ^ devil ' 
of the heathen temple later consecrated to St. Paul. Woden 
among the Teutons was the highest divinity, and was later 
identified with Mercury. In the Gennania of Tacitus^ it is 
clearly stated, 'deorum maxime Mercurium colunt, cui certis 
diebus humanis quoque hostiis litare fas habent ' (ch. 9). Simi- 
larly Caesar (Bk. VI, ch. 17, § 1) mentions Mercury as the 
chief god of the Gauls, and Tacitus seems to be echoing 
Caesar's words with reference to the Germanic divinity. The 
value of Caesar's observation is that he enumerates the func- 
tions of Mercurius as the basis of his identification : ' hunc 
omnium inventorem artium ferunt ; hunc viarum atque 
itinerum ducem; hunc ad quaestus pecuniae mercaturasque 
habere vim maximam arbitrantur.' The name of the fourth 
day of the week, dies Mercurii (in its various Romance forms), 
our Wednesday, affords an interesting example of the inter- 
pretatio Roviana, which attempted to identify with Latin gods 
and goddesses the divinities of other pagan cults. 

The old tradition that St. PauFs Cathedral was built on the 
site of a temple to Diana is a legend closely connected with 
Brute's foundation of Troynovant, seeing that the Trojan 
hero was led to seek out Britain, as Geoffrey of Monmouth 
narrates, by that goddess's prophetic utterance, which came to 
him in a vision : 

' Brute ! sub occasum solis trans Gallica regna, 
Insula in oceano est undique clausa mari : 
Insula in oceano est habitata gigantibus olim, 
Nunc deserta quidem, gentibus apta tuis. 

* Gennania, ed. H. Furncaux, Oxford, 18'J4. On Woden and Mercury, 
see Grimm, Teutonic Mythology, trans. Stallybrass, 1882, vol. i, clis. vi, vii, 
and relevant notes, vol. iii. 



Hanc pete, namque tibi secies erit ilia pereunis: 

Sic fiet natis altera Troia tuis. 
Sic de prole tua reg-es nascentur: et ipsis 

Totius terrae subditus orbis erit/ ^ 

That the legend existed in the Middle Ages is attested by 
the old manuscript quoted in the History of Westminder Ahhey, 
by John Flete, already referred to, where occur the striking 
words, already quoted, with reference to the driving out of 
the Britons by the pagan Saxons: 'immolat Dianae Londonia, 
thurificat Apollini suburbana Thorneia.' 

Even in the seventeenth century, Bishop Corbet rhetorically 
exclaimed : * It was once dedicated to Diana, at least some part 
of it ; but the idolatry lasted not long ; and see a mystery in 
the change: St. Paul confiiting twice the Idol : there, in person, 
where the cry was, "Great is Diana of the Ephesians !" and here, 
by proxy, Paul installed while Diana is thrust out.' ^ Dugdale, 
in his History of St. Pcmrs, taking cognizance of what has 
been stated on the subject, thought it probable enough that in 
the place where Ethelbert, King of Kent, had built St. Paul's, 
there had been a temple of the goddess Diana. He was 
inclined to accept the evidence which Camden adduced, 
namely, Hhe structure near at hand, called Diana's Chambers, 
and the multitude of ox-heads digged up, when the east part 
thereof was rebuilded [temp. Edward I), which were then 
thought to be the relics of the Gentiles' sacrifices '.^ Sir 
Christopher Wren, according to the Memoirs compiled by his 
son, did not credit the common story that a temple to Diana 
had stood there. If there had been such a temple, he sup- 
posed that it might have been within the walls of the Colony 
and more to the south.* 

» Bk. I, ch. 11. 

2 History of St. PauVs, by W. Longman. 

3 Dugdale's History of St. Paul's Cathedral, 1658, p. 3. 

* Parentalia, compiled by Christopher Wren, and pub. 1750, pp. 266, 286. 



There can, however, be little doubt that Diana was wor- 
shipped in Roman London, for on the site of Goldsmiths' 
Hall there was found an altar dedicated to the goddess, still 
preserved at Goldsmiths' Hall; this site, however, is some 
way from the Cathedral. Diana's Chambers, which were on 
Paulas Wharf Hill, according to a local tradition referred 
rather to Henry ll's Fair Rosamund : ' as he had called her 
at Woodstock Rosa Mundi, so here he called her Diana '.^ 

The last two lines of the Prologue, referring to St. Paul's as 
the third temple Triapolitan, take us again to the state- 
ment in Geoffrey telling how the sacerdotal functionaries in 
heathen Britain were transformed in the time of Lucius, the 
first Christian king of Britain, into a Christian hierarchy, and 
how the three chief centres of paganism became the three 
great metropolitan cities of Christian Britain. Hence the 
poet's ' Triapolitanes ', an erroneous formation for ' tripoli- 
tans ' in the sense of a trinity of metropolitan cities ; cp. 
Tripolis and 'tripolitanus '. The form of the word reminds 
one of ' trialogus ' (on the supposed analogy of ' dialogue '). 
' Trialogue ', however, is first recorded in English in the 
sixteenth century ; but it is noteworthy that Wyclif uses the 
Med. Latin ' trialogus ' as the title of one of his Latin works, 
conjectured to belong to the year 1383. 

To sum up, our poet may be credited with having taken 
into account the legendary history of St. Paul's as follows : 
a heathen temple (dedicated probably to Diana) in the earliest 
days of Troynovant ; its Christianizing, as one of the three 
Metropolitan British churches, in the time of Lucius ; its 
perversion to paganism by the Saxons ; its rededication, after 
the mission of St. Augustine, as St. Paul's Cathedral. In the 
time of the British King Belin, the temple was of course the 

* Rev. W. Sparrow Simpson, Chapters in the Eistory of Old St. Paul's, 1881, 
p. 70. 



seat of heathen worship, and was dedicated to some heathen 
divinity. It is strang-e that in this connexion the poet 
nowhere refers to Diana. Can it be that he is thinking of 
the exalted type of paganism described with reference to the 
conversion of Britain to Christianity by Lucius : — ' There were 
then in Britain eight and twenty flamens, as also three arch- 
flamens, to whose jurisdiction the other judges and enthusiasts 
were subject . . . where there were flamens [they] made them 
bishops, where archflamens, archbishops. The seats of the 
archflamens were the three noblest cities, viz., London, York, 
and the City of Legions.' ^ As regards the dedication of the 
heathen temple?, it is merely there stated, as has been mentioned 
already, that they had been founded in honour of many gods, 
and were now dedicated to the one only God and His saints. 

Accordingly, the Prologue ends by stating that the Saxon 
heathen temple in London had been formerly accounted one 
of the three Metropolitan seats. These in the time of the 
British Lucius had been established in place of the three 
Metropolitan seats of the British archflamens. 

Our poet seems to show a fine sense of antiquarianism ^ in his 
suggestion that the pagan Saxon dedication was to Woden, to 
whom the earliest Anglo-Saxon kings traced their genealogies. 
' The adoration of Woden ', as Grimm puts it, * must reach up 
to immemorial times, a long way beyond the first notices given 
us by the Romans of Mercury's worship in Germania.' ^ 

* Geoffrey, as above, Bk. IV, ch. 19. 

'^ This was probably due to his interpretation of Bede's statement, 
Bk. II, ch. 6, ' Mellitum veroLundonienses episcopuni recipere nolueiiint, 
idolatris magis pontificibiis servire gaudentes '. Green and other modern 
historians take the same view, though Gomme, in his Governance of London, 
1907, pp. 109-13, traverses, erroneously in my view, Green's statement on 
the subject. 

' Teutonic Mythology, vol. i, p. 164, trans. Stallybrass. Bede in his 
account of the Saxons, Angles, and Jutes, refers to the pedigrees of the 
kings from Woden, Hist. Eccles. i. 15. 



It would seem that during' the early Middle Ages this 
pagan divinity still presided over German cities^ even as, 
with reference to the image of Mercurius at Rome, it is 
recorded in the Kaiserchronik : 

* Upon a column 
Stood an idol huge, 
Him they called their merchant/ ^ 

Woden, or Mercury, the god of traffickers and merchantmen, 
would have been singularly appropriate as the presiding idol 
of the City of London. 

St. Erkenwald. The most famous of London's early 
bishops was Saint Erkenwald, who, fourth in succession after 
St. Augustine's mission, was consecrated in the year 675 as 
bishop of the East Saxons.^ Sprung from a royal house, 
Erkenwald had previously founded two monasteries, the one 
at Chertsey in Surrey, over which he himself presided, and the 
other in Essex, at Barking, for his sister, in which, as Bede 
puts it, 'she might live as teacher and foster-mother of 
women devoted to God. When she took over the government 
of the monastery, she showed herself in all things worthy to 
rank with the bishop her brother by a life of piety and disci- 
pline, as was afterwards also proved by heavenly marvels.' 

1 See Grimm, as before, vol. i, p. 116 ; vol. iv, p. 1322. The v?ord I have 
rendered ' column ' is the difficult word ' yrmensule ' in the original. 

* Cp. Bede, IV. vi. 'Turn etiam Orientalibus Saxonibus . . . Earcon- 
waldum constituit episcopum in civitate Lundonia.' So our poet calls 
Erkenwald ' a bysehop in Jjat burghe' (1. 3), and 'bischop at loue London 
ton ' (1. 34). Erkenwald appears to have been the first bishop of London 
with St. Paul's as seat. He might well be considered the ti-aditional 
founder of the Cathedral. His predecessor Wine was held to be un- 
worthy, having bought the see ' with a price '. Cedd, the second bishop, 
was a missionary bishop with no fixed seat, while a period of idolatry 
succeeded the expulsion of Mellitus, the famous first bishop of London, 
at whose instance Ethelbert had built the church of St. Paul's. 

See the article on Erkenwald, Dictionary of Christian Biography, vol. ii, 
177-9, by Bishop Stubbs, and the Rev. W. Hunt's article in the Dictionary 
of National Biography, 

XXV d 


Our jwet is evidently referring to Bishop Erkenwalds associa- 
tion with this Essex foundation, when he states that at the 
time of the discovery of the tomb he ' was parted from home, 
in Essex was Sir Erkenwald an abbey to visit '. He is said 
to have done much for the fabric of the cathedral, and was 
j}ar excellence the great bishop of St. Paul's. Many legends 
attested his holiness, ' as was proved subsequently by signs of 
heavenly miracles ', to quote again from Bede. It was by a 
miracle that it was decided that his body should be carried to 
London and buried at St. Paul's, for it would appear that he 
had died at Barking, and the monks of Chertsey strove with 
the nuns of Barking for the privileged possession of the 
bishop's body. He died on April 30, 693. His shrine was 
the chief glory of Old St, Paul's. Canon Sparrow Simpson 
states that he was buried in the nave ; that in the great fire 
of London in 1087-8, when the cathedral was destroyed, the 
legends say that the saint's resting-place alone escaped 
injury. In 1148 his remains were placed in the east side of 
the wall above the high altar j in 1326 an even more glorious 
shrine received them. St. Erkenwald's Shrine at St. Paul's 
was famous far and wide, and jewels and other precious gifts 
were lavished on it. There are many references to these 
benefactions. In 1358 we are told that three goldsmiths were 
engaged to work upon it for a whole year. It would appear, 
however, that by 1386 the observance of the days of the saint's 
death and translation had become somewhat neglected, for in that 
year Bishop Braybroke, who took a leading part in the politics 
of the time and had been Chancellor in 1382-3, re-established 
the two festivals of St. Erkenwald, to be kept as ' first class 
feasts ' at St. Paul's. In 1385 he had taken strong measures 
against the violation of the sanctity of the cathedral by buy- 
ing and selling in it, and other like offences. It is hardly 
necessary in this place to deal with the later history of the 



shrine^ concerning' which Dugdale, in his History of St. Paufs, 
has much to say. 

Descriptive Details in the Poem. Our poet associates 
the miracle which is the subject of the poem with St. Erken- 
wald's rebuilding of one part of the old minster, called 
specifically ' New Work '. He is evidently using a term well 
known in his time. According to Stow, ' the new work of 
Paul's (so called) at the east end above the choir was begun 
in the year 1251^, and elsewhere he notes 'also the new 
work of Paul's, to wit, the cross aisles, were begun to be new 
builded in the year 1256 '.^ The poet is obviously trans- 
ferring to the time of Erkenwald the structural additions 
belonging to the middle of the thirteenth century. 

It is generally stated [e.g. in Henry Harben's Dictionary of 
Londoti) that the first shops were erected in St. Paul's Church- 
yard about 1587, and that these were mainly inhabited by 
stationers ; but from our poem it would appear that a couple 
of centuries before that date the ' Yard ' was famous as the 
centre for the making of rich attire. The poet states, in 
describing the clothes of the body so long dead, that they 


' as bright of their blee, in blazing hues, 
As they had yarely in that Yard been yesterday shapen.' 

The allusion is remarkable from the standpoint of London 
archaeology, more especially as in our own day St. Paul's 
Churchyard is commercially associated with millinery and 
dress. We have here what seems to me to be an interesting 
glimpse of the immediate environment of the Cathedral at 
the end of the fourteenth century. 

The mention of the bishop's palace ^ must have reference to 

1 Stow's Survey of London, 1603, ed. C. L. Kingsford, 1908, vol. i, p. 326. 

2 The use of ' palace' as the residence of a bishop within his cathedral 
city is recorded in English at the end of the thirteenth century. The 



the palace existing at the time of the poet, adjoining the 
northern side of the nave. From a private door the bishop 
could pass into the nave.^ 

The tomb of the pagan judge, which was found in what is 
evidently the crypt, was of gray marble stone, beautifully 
garnished with gargoyles ; a canopy above it, also of marble ; 
bright gold letters round the border of it, though in some 
strange language. The lid was heavy and large, but evi- 
dently with no recumbent figure on it. The tomb within 
was painted with gold. The poet clearly has in mind a 
typical Gothic tomb, and is not attempting to describe with 
archaeological exactness a monument belonging to centuries 
before the Christian era. The description of the tomb of 
Hector in Guido de Colonna's Historia Trojana, which our 
poet may have read, was at least a more ambitious effort. 
It would be hazardous to suggest that the Geste Histonale, the 
alliterative rendering of Guido's Historia, ante-dated our poem, 
but, if only for the purposes of comparative study, attention 
may well be directed to the passage.^ Certainly, according 
to our poet, the grief of Troynovant at the death of the judge 
almost equalled that of Troy at the loss of the beloved Hector. 
^ When I died,' says the judge, ' for dole all Troy resounded.' 

The pagan judge is described, or rather describes himself, 
as not only a man of law, a high judge, almost a Lord Chief 
Justice, but also as deputy-governor of Troynovant, chief 

site of the Bishop of London's Palace at St. Paul's is preserved in 
London House Yard, north out of St. Paul's Churchyard, at nos. 74 and 
79, to Paternoster Row. This London House Yard must be differentiated 
from the yard of the same name on the west side of Aldersgate Street, 
the site of London House, the residence of the Bishops of London for 
a time after the Restoration. A further interesting note on the palace of 
the Bishops of London will be found in H. A. Harben's Dictionary of 

' See Sparrow Simpson, Chapters in the History of Old St. Paufs, p. 61. 

^ See alliterative Destruction of Troy, 11. 8733-825. 



magistrate of the City of London. He is, in faet^ portrayed 
as holding- what later (from the year 1193) would correspond 
to the office of Mayor of London, only he is the deputy of 
a duke, evidently the Sub-Regulus referred to in the old 
chronicles. The Justiciar of London under the Norman and 
early Plantagenet kings was a well-known dignitary. The 
office came to an end in the thirteenth century. The lines 
in which the judge describes himself are important : 

'I was deputy and doomsman under a noble duke, 
And in my power this place was put altogether; 
I justiced this jolly town in gentlest way.' ^ 

It is noteworthy that our poet uses the word ' communnates ', 
which is very suggestive of association with the Commune of 
London. The ordinary formula in the Liber Albiis is * con- 
cessio maioris et communitatis \ London became a Commune 
in 1191, and to about the same date belongs the creation of 
the office of Mayor. 

Of special interest, perhaps, is the judge's earlier reference 
to himself as * an heir^" of anoye in ])® New Troie '. The phrase, 
as the text stands in the manuscript, has been variously inter- 
preted. Dr. Horstmann suggested 'ein gefiirchteter Herr', 
i.e. one held in awe, which is altogether untenable; while 
Dr. Neilson explained ' oye ' as ' grandson ', querying the 
meaning. From the context and the poetic style of the 
passage, it would seem that some specific office is referred to, 
the line being parallel to the statement that follows in the 
next quatrain, ' Then was I judge here enjoined in Gentile 
law '. I make bold to interpret the words of the text as a 

^ On the subject of early London government, see London and the 
Kingdom, Reginald Sharpe, 1894 ; Geoffrey de Mandeville, and Tlie Commune 
of London, by J, H. Round ; The Governance of London, by Sir Laurence 
Gomme ; also Stubbs's Constitutional History, together with St^idies Supple- 
mentary to the History, by M. Petit-Dutaillis, the latter work dealing with 
the subject of the Justiciar and Commune. 



statement that the judge describes himself as having been 
a justice en eyre, presiding over a court of oyer et determmer} 
It is of interest that from at least the twelfth century the 
'indices itinerantes^ heard cases at the Stone Cross in the 
Strand; see Stow's ^w;-r(?^.2 

If one were forced to find sense in the words without any 
change, they could only mean ' an heir of anger ' = a child of 
wTath = one not an heir of everlasting life, a pagan ; cp. 
Eph. ii. 3. Against this must, however, be weighed the 
parallelism noted to 1. 216. The judge has already referred 
to his paganism in 11. 203-4. 

Chronological Problems. The pagan judge is made to 
give what appears to be the exact date of the time when he 
lived. As the text stands, it is indeed, to quote the judge 
himself, 'a lappid date\ According to the reading of the 
manuscript, 11. 205-12, 482 years after the building of London 
equates with 1054 B.C. This would give 1536 B.C. as the 
date of the building of London. But the date indicated by 
Geoffrey of Monmouth for the building of London is the 
time when Eli the priest governed in Judea, and the Ark of 
the Covenant was taken by the Philistines. The accepted date 
for the beginning of Eli^s judgeship is 1156 B.c.^ He judged 
forty years according to the Hebrew text, and twenty accord- 
ing to the Septuagint, his death being associated with the 
taking of the Ark. The date of the building of London is 
therefore either 1116 b.c. or 1136 B.C. 

Further, the judge explains that he lived in the reign of 
King Belinus, the brother of Brennius whom Geoffrey identi- 

^ The spelling 'heyre' is a fairly common spelling of 'eyre', and is 
used by Britten and others ; see Note on 1. 211. 

2 Stow's Survey of London, 1908, vol. ii, p. 93. 

8 See Bede's Chronicle of the Six Ages of the World, a work evidently 
used generally for purposes of chronology {Complete Works of Venerable Bede, 
Giles, 1843, vol. vi, p. 134). 



fied with the Brennus of early Roman history, and no reader 
of Geoffrey of Monmouth could possibly have dated any event 
of the reign of Belinus a thousand and more yeare B.C., as 
has been done by the scribe of the present text. 

The manuscripts of Geoffrey of Monmouth often give 
rubrics or other additions stating the actual dates of the 
events described, and these computations are followed by 
mediaeval and later chroniclers, and are found in Holinshed 
and other Elizabethan historians. Belinus and Brennius 
were the sous of Mulmutius, who died 354 years after the 
building of Rome (b.c. 753). This should give us 399 B.C., 
so that at all events the date given by our scribe, 1054 B.C., 
must be wrong. And we may safely assume that his ' ]70u- 
sande' was due to a misreading of iijc as the symbol 
much resembling it, M i. e. 1000. The line should therefore 
read : 

'pre hundred jere & Jn-itty mo & jet threnen aght,* 
i. e. 354. The date is not absolutely correct, but very nearly 
so, and I infer that the poet or his authority has taken the 
actual date of the beginning of Beliuus's reign, computed as 
from the building of Rome, i. e. 354 A. U. C, erroneously 
as the date B.C. 

As regards 1. 208, ' nojt bot fife hundred ^ere ]>er aghtene 
wontyd ', it is the only line throughout the whole poem 
where the alliteration entirely fails, and had an f-alliteration 
been required, the poet would have found no difficulty in 
indicating 482 by such a correct line as, ' nojt bot ioure 
hundred ^eve and f oure score & tweyne '. The ' fife ' has 
evidently been due to a scribal effort to meet in some way or 
other the difficulty occasioned by the change from 300 to 
1,000 in 1. 210. The poet must have written either 'one^ or 
' aght ' where we now have ' fife '. The former may be ruled 
out as the poet would know that many monarchs had reigntnl 



between Brute and Belinus; the latter may therefore be 
accepted, and accordingly the line g-ives us 782. 

The date 782 years from the building of London is equi- 
valent to 354 B.C. Accordingly, our poet must have taken 
1136 B.C. for the building of London, which is the date 
indicated by Geoffrey if the Septuagint chronology with 
reference to Eli is adopted. 

Misunderstanding the erroneous 1. 210 as it stands in the 
manuscript, Dr. Horstmann, and all who have written on the 
subject, interpret the date given by the dead judge as 
1033 B.C., ignoring the fiact that Hhrenen aght = 3 x 8, 
i. e. 24, which added to 1030 must make 1054. Dr. Neilson 
even finds confirmation for the 1033 by taking certain rubri- 
cated dates in the Hunterian MS. of Geoffrey of IMonmouth 
to corroborate the 'legendary arithmetic^, as he calls it, of 
the poem. Finding one date a.m. 4482, and subtracting from 
it another date a.m. 3449, he declares the interval between, 
1033 years, to be the date given by the dead judge ! Even 
so careful a scholar as Professor Wells, in his Manual of the 
Writings in Middle English, accepts the error, and makes the 
reign of King Belin cover the year 1033 B.C. 

Belinus and Brennius were the sons of the famous Dun- 
wallo Molmutius, the first to gain the sceptre of Britain. 
Geoffrey of Monmouth tells us that 'having made entire 
reduction of the island, he prepared himself a crown of gold, 
and restored the kingdom to its ancient state. This prince 
established what Britons call the Molmutine laws, which are 
famous among the English to this day.'' ^ These laws are said 
to have enacted the privilege of sanctuary, and to have done 
much to prevent murder and cruelties, and to have promoted 
public security and justice. 

After a reign of forty years he died and was buried in the 

1 Bk. II, ch. 17. 


city of Trinovantum, near the Temple of Concord which he 
himself built when he first established his laws. 

Geoffrey states that Belinus revived and confirmed the 
Molmutine laws, especially those relating to highways, and 
adds that ' if any one is curious to know all that he decreed, 
let him read the Molmutine Laws which Gildas the historian 
translated from British into Latin, and King Alfred into 
English'.^ Into the quarrels between the two brothers, 
Brennius and Belinus, to which our poet refers, 11. 213-15, 
and to their ultimate friendship by the mediation of their 
mother, it is not necessary to enter. A full account is given 
in Geoffrey's history. Brennius staying in Italy, Belinus 
returned to Britain, and governed in peace dming the re- 
mainder of his life. To Londoners he was esjjecially endeared 
by the gate of wonderful structure which he erected on the 
banks of the Thames, ^ which the citizens call after his name 
Belingsgate, i. e. Billingsgate, to this day. Over it he built 
a prodigiously large tower, and under it a haven or quay for 
ships.' His ashes were put in a golden urn on the top of 
this tower. 

In closing the account of Belin, Geoffrey emphasizes that 
he was a strict observer of justice, and re-established his 
father's laws everywhere throughout the kingdom. 

It is noteworthy that his son Gurgiunt Brabturc followed 
his father's example in every respect. He, too, was a lover of 
peace and justice. 

The pagan judge belonged appropriately to the reign of 
King Belin, this prince of justice. I cannot agree with 
Dr. Neilson that the dead judge is a poetic equation of 
Dunwallo, the father of King Belin. It is true that Dun- 
wallo, even as the judge, died after forty years' rule; but 
' forty ' is a commonplace conventional term for a generation, 

1 Bk. Ill, ch. 5. 

xxxiii e 


derived from the Biblical use of the number. Moreover, the 
poet is most anxious to insist on the fact that the pagan was 
neither king nor kaiser, but a man of law. His highest 
position was that of 'deputy and doomsman under a noble 
duke\ The crown he wore was not of kingship, but the 
crown of the righteous judge (11. 253-5), and can hardly 
have been suggested by the golden diadem that Dunwallo 
made for himself as supreme king of Britain. Though placed 
upon the judge's head by his pagan fellow-citizens, the crown 
he wore was as it were an anticipatory emblem of the crown 
of righteousness laid up for him by the Righteous Judge, 
even as is said by St. Paul in 2 Tim. iv. 7-8, ' I have fought 
a good fight, I have finished my course, I have kept the faith : 
henceforth there is laid up for me a crown of righteousness '. 
The judge had fought the good fight, though he had often to 
suffer for righteousness' sake (1. 232). 

Dr. Neilson further calls attention to the statement in 
Geoffrey of Monmouth as regards Belinus, the successor of 
Dunwallo, that when he died ' his ashes were laid in a case 
or coffin of gold ', and suggests some connexion between this 
cinerary golden urn on Billingsgate and the marble tomb 
containing the richly clad body of the judge in the crypt 
of St. Paul's. This suggestion well illustrates to what lengths 
parallelism can be drawn. 

Source of the Legend. No direct source for this miracle 
of St. Erkenwald has so far been discovered. Extant litera- 
ture concerning St. Erkenwald, other than this English poem, 
makes no mention of this legend. The most important col- 
lection of his miracles, Miracula Sancti 'Erkenwaldi} preserved 

* See Manuscripts at Corpus Chrisii College, Cambridge, by M. R. James ; also 
Descriptive Catalogue of Materials, by Sir T. D. Hardy ; also Stubbs's article 
in Diet. Christ. Biog. This life of Erkenwald and the collection of Miracles 
were composed by the nephew of the famous ' Gilbert the Universal ', 
Bishop of London during the early part of the twelfth century. 



in a twelfth-century MS. (Parker 161) at Corpus Christi 
College, Cambridge, notwithstanding the erroneous statement 
of Professor J. R. Hulbert, does not include this miracle, as has 
been well known for some twenty years.^ 

The absence of this miracle from the Cambridge manuscript 
makes it most improbable that any such miracle was in early 
times associated with Erkenwald. As an Erkenwald legend 
it would seem therefore to be at all events later than that 

The study of the poem from the archaeological point o£ 
view has revealed, as I have attempted to show, that in the 
treatment of the theme the poet has allowed full play to his 
imagination, both as regards the historical facts connected 
with the history of St. Paul's, the treatment of the theme 
generally, and especially the association of the pagan judge 
with the reign of King Belin. His careful reading of 
Geoffrey of Monmouth and Bedels Ecclesiastical History for 

^ Dr. Hulbert in his article, 'The ^owxces of St. Erkemoald and TJieTrcntal 
ofGi-egonj\ Modern Philologi/, 1919, definitely states that the Latin source is 
in the Miracula Saticti ErkenwcUdi, and quotes as his authority Horstmann's 
AUenglisclie Legenden, Neue Folge, 1881, p. 528. It is only fair to Dr. Horst- 
mann to state that he does not say this. He uses the word ' wohl ', i.e. 
the legend is in all probability to be found there. 

Dr. Neilson in Huchown of the Aide Ryale, 1902, states that the Corpus 
Christi College MS. ' does not at all account for the detailed and 
romantically specific story. Miss Mai-y Bateson most obligingly put 
herself to the trouble of examining this MS. for me.' In spite of this 
statement, the first sentence of which alone he quotes in a foot-note. Dr. 
Hulbert writes about the compiler of the Latin Miracula being perhaps 
actually the first person to attach the present legend to Erkenwald, ' and 
perhaps his narrative is the direct source of the English poem'. Later 
on he theorizes on a possible intermediary between the Latin legend 
and the English poem ! 

Miss Laui-a Hibbard, not knowing that the non-inclusion of the legend 
in the MS. had long ago been established, in her article in Modern 
Philology, April, 1920, called attention to Dr. Hulbert's error, though 
again she imputes to Dr. Horstmann the assertion which ho did not 
make, that the manuscript was ' the immediate source of the poem '. 



effective details, and many of his subtle touches, suggest 
that here the creative skill of a i:)oet is exercising itself. 

In an article which appeared in Modern Fhilology} Miss 
Laura Hibbard called attention to what seemed to be an 
important piece of evidence tending to prove that there was 
current in London, at the time our poet was writing, some 
well-known story concerning the head of a judge found in 
the crypt of St. PauFs. She found that apparently John de 
Bromyarde, the famous Dominican of the second half of the 
fourteenth century, the author of the most notable collection 
of Exempla, well known in manuscript, and often reprinted, 
entitled Summa Praedieant'mm, had twice in this work referred 
to this incident: 'Nota de judice cujus caput Londoniis in 
fundamentum [sw] ecclesiae Sancti Pauli inventum f uit, etc/ : 
and deduced from the evidence before her that the story 
was so well known that the author found it unnecessary to 
say more. She concluded that Bromyarde knew that a head 
had some time or other been found, or was alleged to have 
been found, in the crypt of St. Paul's, and that it was 
known to be that of a judge. Further, this reference, in 
the printed text, occurs among Bromyarde's exempla of justice. 

Unfortunately, although this allusion to the discovery of 
the judge's head in the crypt of St. Paul's is found in the 
printed editions of Bromyarde, it would seem from the study 
of available manuscripts to be a later interpolation. It is not 
found in the great vellum manuscript, Brit. Mus. Boy. 
7 E. iv. of the late fourteenth century, though the manu- 
script shows many marginal additions.^ It seems to belong 

1 Modern Philology, 'Erkenbald the Belgian, a Study in Medieval 
Exempla of Justice ', 1920. 

2 The MS. at Peterhouse, Cambridge, belonging to the fourteenth- 
fifteenth century, is also without the interpolated passage. Tiie MS, at 
Oriel College, Oxford, belonging to the fifteenth century, omita the whole 
passage following the words 'ei iusticiam fecit' (see Appendix, p. 53). 



not to the original work, which was written after 1323, but 
to some late manuscript, as it is peculiar to the printed 
editions. Bromyarde, said to have been one of the Doctors 
of Theology present at the congregation which condemned 
Wyclif in 1382, was Chancellor of Cambridge University in 
1383. For his collection of exempla, arranged alphabetically 
according to the qualities exemplified, he sought his materials 
far and wide, and he adduces many references to contem- 
porary legends. It is, indeed, remarkable that, if such a 
legend existed, Bromyarde did not refer to it under the head 
of justice, where he instances Trajan, the righteous pagan 
emperor who miraculously received the crown of righteous- 
ness, and where he quotes in this connexion the passage from 
2 Tim. iv. The manner in which the allusion to the head of 
the judge at St. Paul's is brought in, in the printed text, 
immediately after the reference to Trajan, has all the appear- 
ance of an interpolation, due to a late marginal addition. 
The ' etc' at the end of the Note is noteworthy, so too the 
error of ' fundamentum ' for ' fundamento '. Moreover, even 
on the evidence of the printed texts, Miss Hibbard is wrong 
in her statement that there are two references. There is 
only one ; the cross-reference which she has evidently taken 
as the second is merely another reference to the Trajan story.^ 

At the same time, it is not likely (though not impossible) 
that the interpolation in the printed text of Bromyarde was 
a direct allusion to the present poem. With our poem in 
mind, one would hardly mention merely the head of the 
judge. On the whole, I am inclined to think the interpolation, 
due to some marginal addition in a late Bromyarde manuscript, 
may be independent of our poem, though later in date. 

On the assumption that the reference is independent, we may 
conjecture from the context that the head miraculously spoke, 

* See Appendix, p. 64. 
XXX vii 


and explained that it was that of a pagan judge who, having 
acted righteously, was allowed to await baptism. 

The allusion could hardly be to some recent discovery ; and 
there is nothing to support Miss Hibbard's view that the 
statement might record some actual discovery made in 
Bromyarde's own time, during the building and repairing 
that went on in the old church. 'It would not be at all 
surprising ', she writes, ' if the workmen did actually come 
upon a Roman sarcophagus, and bones of the Roman dead.' 
But how would they know that it was a judge ? Moreover, 
the allusion is to the head of a judge. Such an alleged 
discovery would much more probably be referred to some 
century or more before, say to the period of the ' New Work \ 
i.e. about the middle of the thirteenth century, which period 
of rebuilding the poet evidently had in mind. 

The Legend of Trajan and the Miracle of St. Gregory. 
The interpolated reference to the head found at St. PauFs 
follows Bromyarde's detailed account of the famous miracle 
wrought by St. Gregory on behalf of the pagan emperor 
Trajan, — 

' 1 'alta gloria 
Del roman principato, il cui valorc 
Mosse Gregorio alia sua gran vittoria.' 

The legend, to which Dante refers in the well-known passages 
in Purgatorio x. 73-75, and Paradiso xx. 106-17, was widely 
current throughout the Middle Ages, and took a variety of 

* The following are the chief studies on the subject, or relevant 
matters : 

La Lvgende de Trajan, by Gaston Paris, Blblioth^que do I'Ecole des Hautes 
Etudes, Fasc. 35, 1878. This comprehensive study deals with (1) the 
legend of Trajan and the widow, (2) Trajan and St. Gregory, and (3) the 
origin of the legend. The article contains full bibliographical references. 

Chapter XII of Arturo Grafs Roma neUa memoria e nelle immaginazioni 



In the Purgaforio, Dante sees the story of Trajan and the 
widow portrayed among the examples of humility in Circle I of 
Purgatory. In the Paradiso, Trajan is placed between David 
and Hezekiah in the ' cielo di Giove ', among the spirits of 
the just, the others being Constantino, William II of Sicily, 
and the Trojan Ripheus. The last named is the only real 
Gentile, though we are told that the three dames, Faith, 
Hope, and Charity, stood as baptism for him ^more than 
a thousand years before baptizing.^ The case of Trajan was 
different. To him was granted a second life, and hence 
a ' second death '. Dante dwells particularly on the presence 
in Paradise of Ti-ajan and Ripheus, who with the other four 
are arranged in the shape of the eye and eyebrow of an eagle, 
the other spirits of this heaven forming the eagle itself. 
David is the pupil of the eye. While the eagle speaks, ' the 
two blessed lights ' of Trajan and Ripheus * as the beating of 

del medio evo, Torino, 1882, treats the subject of Trajan, and owes much to 
the previous study. 

Earlier considerations of the legend are referred to by both writers ; 
perhaps the most striking are those to be found in the Annales Ecclesiastki 
of Baronius (1538-1607) and in the Be Controcersiis of Bellarmine (1542- 
1621). These two sixteenth-century cardinals rejected the miracle as 
utterly fictitious. 

Giacomo Boni, in his article entitled ' Leggende ', Nuova Antologia, 
Rome, 1906, discusses and illustrates the Trajan legend from the stand- 
point of sculptural and numismatic pictorial art. See also Mrs. Arthur 
Strong's Roman Sculpture from Augustiis to Constantine, 1907. 

Concerning St. Gregory, the student is referred to the Rev. F. Homes 
Dudden's Gregorxj the Great, 2 vols., London, 1905, and Sir Henry H. 
Howorth's Saint Gregory the Great, 1912. 

See, also, the articles in Modern Philology, 1919-20, already referred to. 

^ The great philosophers, e. g. Aristotle, Socrates, Plato, men of science 
and poets, are in Limbo — Circle I — 'a place not sad with torments, but 
with darkness alone ', cp. Purgatorio, vii. 28-9. 

Cato, the lover of liberty, whom Virgil describes as the lawgiver 
among the righteous dead in Elysium, has exceptionally a place in 



the eyes concordeth ' flash together at the two ends.'^ Ripheus 
is a character cursorily mentioned by Virgil in the Aeneid, 
and notably in yieneid ii. 426-7 : 

' Cadit et Ripheus, iustissimus unus, 
Qui fuit in Teucris, et servantissimus aequi/ 
Nothing is known of him otherwise, and his introduction in 
the Paradiso seems entirely due to Dante's reading of Virgil. 
It has often been wondered at, and I am not aware that any 
explanation has been forthcoming. I would suggest that 
Dante, in dealing with the subject of Trajan, was interested 
in the very common form of the name as ' Trojanus ', which 
seemed to mean 'the Trojan'. The form of the name may 
have been due to the well-known attempt to link the Romans 
and other modern peoples with ancient Troy, and to claim 
descent from Aeneas and his progeny. Indeed, to this fond 
belief may possibly be due the ennobling of Trajan and the 
transference to him from Hadrian of some of his good 
qualities, for, indeed, it would appear that the story of his 
generosity belonged originally to Hadrian, whence the anecdote 
of the widow.^ Dante, knowing that Ti'ojanus was not the 

^ See Appendix, pp. 50, 51. 

* Trajan lived A. d. 53-117, and his triumphs spread his fame far and 
wide. The main point in connexion with the legend is his attitude 
towards the early Christians, as regards which one must study his 
correspondence, and especially the famous letter to Pliny in which he 
deals with the treatment of the Christians. It is, on the whole, not 
harsh ; at the same time some Christian writers, e. g. Tertullian, regarded 
him as a monster, while others seem to have praised his sense of justice, 
Pliny's panegyric may have helped to maintain Trajan's fair fame, for his 
reputation for justice must have been traditional to have produced, what- 
ever accretions may have been added, his identification with justice par 

Mr. E. G. Hardy, in Pliny's Correspondence with Trajan, emphasizes ' the 
double aspect of Trajan's rescript, which, while it theoretically condemned 
the Christians, practically gave them a certain security '. Hence, as he 
advances, ' the different views which have since been taken of it ; but by 
most of the Church writers, and perhaps on the whole with justice, it has 



correct form of the name, found in the pages of the Aeueid 
a true Trojan who was conspicuously just. Even so, the poet 
of Erkenwald, who is obviously keenly interested in the 
Brutus story, acclaims the righteousness of the pagan judge 
of the New Troy. 

It is of no little interest to note that the earliest record of 
the Trajan legend belongs to this country ; and is found in 
the oldest extant life of St. Gregory written in Latin by 
a monk of Whitby^ probably about 713. This long lost life 
of the great apostle of the English was known to Bede and 
to the early biographers of Gregory, namely Paulus Diaconus 
and Johannes Diaconus, though later lost. Extant only in 
one manuscript, preserved at St. Gall, it was rediscovered 
by Paul Ewald in 1886, and was fully printed for the first 
time by Cardinal Gasquet in 1904.^ Consequently, Gaston 
Paris, writing on the legend of Trajan in 1878, and Arturo 
Graf, dealing with the same theme in 1889, did not 
have before them this most valuable document, and they 
often refer to the lost Anglo-Saxon legend. Professor 
Hulbert, writing in 1919, still speaks of the life of Paulus 
Diaconus as the earliest form of the story. The interesting 
point, however, is that the Monk of Whitby, evidently doubt- 
ing the orthodoxy of the miracle, refers it to the Romans, 
' quidam quoque de nostris dicunt narratum a Komanis ', 
whilst, as Cardinal Gasquet points out, and as is often 

been regarded as favourable, and as rather discouraging persecution than 
legalizing it ' (p. 63). In Rome, the glories of the Trajan Forum served 
to keep alive pride in his greatness and traditional magnanimity, and 
stimulated the desire to make him the link between Romans of the faith 
and their pagan progenitors. 

1 A Life of Pope St. Qregwy the Great, mitten by a monk of the monastery of 
Whitby (j)robahly about a. d. 713), now for the first time fully printed from MS. 
Gallen 567, by Francis Aidan Gasquet (Abbot- President of the English 
Benedictines), Westminster, 1904. See Appendix, p. 49. 

xli i 


emphasized by earlier ecclesiastics, the Roman John, who 
had this text before him, says that the doubtful legend 
belongs to the English church, ' legitur etiam penes easdem 
Anglorum ecclesias\ The great problem for the Monk of 
Whitby was summed up in his statement : ' nemo enim sine 
baptismo Deum videbit unquam '. 

The unwillingness readily to accept the miracle of the 
pagan Trajan^'s deliverance from hell was due to extreme 
doubt as to whether the great pope would have been guilty 
of praying for the unbelieving righteous dead, seeing that 
in his Moralia ^ he definitely states that the saints do not do 
this, because they shrink from the merit of their prayer, 
concerning those whom they already know to be condemned 
to eternal punishment, being made void before that counte- 
nance of the Just Judge. The legend therefore seemed to be 
inconsistent with Gregory^s own words. Accoi'dingly, it was 
looked on with suspicion, and it is noteworthy that Bede, in 
his Life of St. Gregory, does not record it, though he knew 
the Monk of Whitby^s Life. All the same, the legend main- 
tained itself; and later, Gregory was represented as having 
to pay a penalty for his wrong action, even though, as some 
versions put it, the pope's prayer may merely have alleviated 
Trajan's pain, and not have freed him from the prison of hell. 
For praying for a pagan Gregory had to choose one of two 
penalties, to pass two days (in some versions less) in purgatory, 
or during all the days of his life to languish in sickness. He 
chose long sickness in this world rather than the briefest stay 
in Purgatory .2 This form of the legend is found in Godfrey 

^ Moralia, Lib. xxxiv, c:ip. 19. 

* The preference of long sickness to passing two days in Purgatory is 
found, without reference to St. Gregory, among mediaeval exenipla ; 
V. The Exempla of Jacques de Viiry, ed. T. F. Crane, Folk-Lore Society, 1890, 
p. cvi. 



of Viterbo, Speculum Begum, c. 1152-90/ and in the Fiori di 
Filosqfi, formerly attributed to Brunetto Latini, and in the 
Golden Legend of Jacobus de Voragine {c. 1230 to c. 1298), 
which was translated into French in the fourteenth century, 
into English by Caxton in the fifteenth, and which was 
generally known throughout Europe. The suggestion of this 
penalty seems to have been inferred from Paul the Deacon's 
equivocal Latin, and is actually found added at the end of a 
late manuscript of Gregory's Dialogues.^ 

This legend of Trajan became almost a test case among 
mediaeval theologians, on the much debated question whether 
an infidel could, by any chance, escape from the eternal 
punishment of hell. St. Thomas Aquinas, in his Summa 
Theological^ discusses the theme at great length, and seems 

^ The versions of Godfrey of Viterbo's Latin poem on the subject seem 
to vary, for MS. B.M. Add. 11670 does not give the lines referring to 
Gregory's penalty. The legend ends with the angel's statement to 
Gregory after he has made his prayer for Trajan : 

*Scis ({uia non ho&uit baptismatis ille sigillum. 
Quomodo cuMi lacrimis dona neganda petis? 
Ast, homo [tju pacis, opus expetis hoc pietatis, 
Iste morfo requiem te lacrimante capit.' 
In the margin, however, in the same or a contemporary hand of the 
fourteenth century, there is a long side-note, which summarizes the 
story in prose, and ends with the statement ' quia pro pagano orasti, owni 
tempore in femore claudicabis '. These words seem to be a prose paraphrase 
of some version from which Gaston Paris quotes the couplet : 
' Angelico pulsu femur eius tempore multo 
Claudicat, et poenae corpore signa tenet.' 
The poem is printed from various MSS. in Pertz, Scriptores Oermanici, 
xxii, pp. 21-93; the lines quoted by Gaston Paris do not, however, occur 

^2 Baionius, Annahs Ecclesiaslici, sub. 604, vol. xi, pp. 58-66. 
' SMwinia Theologica, II. ii. 2. 7 : — ' Multis gentilium facta fuit revelatio 
de Christo . . . Sibylla etiam praenuntiavit quaedam de Christo ... Si 
qui tamen salvati fuerunt quibus revelatio non fuit facta, non fuerunt 
salvati absque fide Mediatoris. Quia etsi non habuerunt fidem explicafam, 
habuerunt tamen fidem implicatam in divina providentia, credentes 
Deum esse liberatorem hominum secundum modes sibi placitoset secundum 



to be of opinion, with others who attempted to deal with the 
problem from a strict theological standpoint, that Gregory's 
praj'ers might have brought Trajan to life, and given him 
thus the chance by merit and grace of escaping; or, other- 
wise, that the soul of Trajan was not freed from eternal 
punishment, but that the punishment was held in suspense 
for a time, namely, till the Day of Judgement.^ Elsewhere 
he suggests that Trajan was predestined to be saved by 
Gregory's prayers. 

Perhaps the oldest reference to the grave being opened, 
and the soul coming back to the body and being entrusted to 
St. Gregory, is to be found in the Kaiserehronik, the Middle 
High German history of Roman and German emperors, 
belonging to about 1150. Nothing is said there of speech.'^ 

St. Thomas Aquinas seems to have known some such 
version of the legend wherein Trajan was brought to life, 
notwithstanding that his cinerary urn was in a chamber below 
the great column that bore his name in the Forum. Ignoring 
this some one must have created the story of the discovery 
of the head and other remains of the emperor. That the 
tongue should be intact and able to answer the questions put 
to it by the pope was a natural corollary. The power oE 
speech, indicative of life, made it possible for the resuscitated 
pagan to be baptized, and thus to pass to grace as a righteous 
Christian and not as a righteous infidel. It is of interest 
that St. Thomas Aquinas, in the discussion to which I have 
referred, quotes from St. John Damascene the legend of 

quodaliquibus veritatem cognoscentibus Spiritus revelasset.' This passage 
is of special interest with reference to Dante, Paradiso, Canto xix ; cp. 
Canto XX, 1. 130, ' O predestinazion '. 

^ St. Tliomas Aquinas, Summa TJieologica, III, Siippl. Quaestio LXXI, 
Art. V. 

^ Kaiserehronik , cd. H. F. Massmann, Qncdlinburg and Leipzig, 1849, 
11. oSSy-fillR. 



St. ]Machavius^ who finding* by chance a skull, learnt from 
it in answer to his question that it was the head of a pagan 
priest, damned in hell, and yet he and others had been helped 
by the prayer of Macharius. From this St. Thomas goes on 
to deal with the story of Trajan, which, he notes, is also 
mentioned by John Damascene {fl. first half of the eighth 
century) in the same work. There was, accordingly, good 
precedent for the speaking head of a pagan. That this form 
of the miracle co-existed with the simpler form found in the 
early lives of St, Gregory can be inferred from literature 
subsequent to St. Thomas Aquinas. Dante seems certainly 
to have in mind some such version of the miracle as is given 
by his earliest commentator, Jacopo della Lana, who wrote 
about 1326.^ It should be noted that in the Fiori di Filosoji, 
a work formerly attributed to Brunetto Latini, Dante's 
teacher, St. Gregory is said to have had Trajan's grave 
opened in consequence of his having heard the story of the 
emperor's justice to the widow, and to have found that all 
had turned to earth except the bones and the tongue, which 
was ' Sana e fresca 'as of a living man.'^ By this evidence 
Gregory recognized the emperor's justice, wept for \i\ty, and 
prayed to God that He would free him and take him from 
the pain of hell. An angel came, and told him that his 
prayer had been heard, but because he had asked this boon 
ag'ainst reason the choice of punishment was imposed upon 
him. But Trajan was freed from the pains of hell, and went 
to Paradise through his own justice and through Gregory's 
prayers. Applying- St. Thomas Aquinas's view of pre- 

1 See Appendix, p. 51. 

2 Tliough it is stated that the miracle of the tongue in the Fiori is found 
in the Speculum Begum of Godfrey of Viterbo, the incident is not found 
in the poem as printed in Pertz, but in certain MSS. there is a prose 
addition where it is stated that the tongue appeared fresh as that of a 
living man. 



destination to some version differing" in treatment from the 
story in the Fiori, where not only were the bones discovered, 
but life was vouchsafed to them, Dante emphasizes that ' the 
glorious soul [of Trajan] returned to the flesh, where it abode 
short space, believed in Him who had the power to aid it, 
and believing, kindled into so great a flame of very love, that 
at the second death it was worthy to come unto this mirth ', 
of Paradise. And the poet explains that this return of the 
soul into the bones was the reward of ' living hope, which 
had put might into the prayers made unto God to raise him 
up, that his will [^. e. Trajan's] might have power to be 
moved '.^ Dante^s version of the story was evidently nearer 
that given by Jacopo della Lana than to that in the Fion? 
Delia Lana had before him a narrative telling how workmen 
had discovered bones and a skull, with the tongue fresh and 

* See above (p. xliii) on St. Thomas Aquinas and predestination. 
William of Auxerre, c. 1150 — c. 1230, in his Sentences seems to have had this 
view as to the predestination of Trajan. He states as follows : Non est 
contra iusticiam dei aliquem revocare a statu culpe ad statum gratie in 
quo mereatur et postea salvetur : sed hoc est contra iusticiam dei aliquid 
remittere de pena cum nichil remittatur de culpa ; nee erat Traianus 
damnatus diffinitiva penitus sententia : immo ad vitam revocandus erat 
precibus beati Gregorii ' (Bk. IV, tract, li). 

The words ' state of grace ' seem to imply baptism, and are so under- 
stood by Chacon in his Historia ceu verissima a calumniis muUorum vindicata. 
See Venice edition of 1583, p. 21. William of Auxerre evidently else- 
where emphasizes the point that Trajan was revived, baptized, repented 
of his past deeds, suddenly died, and went to heaven ; for Giaccone in his 
work on the legend, Siena, 1595, discusses the improbability of this, and 
in the literature on the subject William's views are frequently quoted. 

* It does not seem to me that the Fiori version is taken from the 
Speculum Historiale of Vincent de Beauvais, c. 1190 — c. 1264. Though 
the story of Trajan is given, there is no mention of St. Gregory or of the 
miracle. In the Policraticus of John of Salisbury, c. 1115—80, we have both 
the story of Trajan's justice and Gregory's intercession, and the warning 
given to him that such intercession for an infidel should not be repeated ; 
but nothing concerning the discovery of the remains. 



intact, how the rumour reached Gregory, how he conjured 
the head to speak ; it told its story, that it was the head of 
Trajan who was in hell as being* a pagan. Thereupon 
Gregory, learning of Trajan's act of justice to the widow, 
prayed for him, and Trajan was saved. Dante would hardly 
have accepted the statement in the Fiori and the Golden 
Legend that Gregory was subjected to punishment for his 
intercession. It is noteworthy that in none of these early 
versions do we get any distinct mention of the baptism of the 
resuscitated body. 

In pictorial art we have a valuable illustrative document in 
the famous Berne tapestry, copied from the pictures by 
Roger van der Weyden, the great Flemish painter, c. 1400- 
1464. Four pictures, which were later destroyed in the 
bombardment of the town by the French in 1695, were 
painted by him for the Hall of Justice in the Town Hall at 
Brussels. Soon after 1435 he held the position of town- 
painter. We have here a striking representation of the 
legend, showing in the first panel Gregory praying, and 
in the second, the head and tongue of Trajan being submitted 
to the pope, at whose side is a baptismal ewer. Beneath, an 
account is given of the purport of the picture, ending with 
the words, ' cum beatus papa Gregorius rem tam difficilem 
a Deo suis precibus impetrare meruisset, corpus Trayani iam 
versum in pulverem reverenter detegens, linguam eius quasi 
hominis vivi integram adinvenit, quod propter iusticiam quam 
lingua sua persolvit pie creditur contigisse^ There was 
evidently a similar painting in the Town Hall of Cologne.^ 

* Cp. Gaston Paris, p. 282. Commendatore Boni gives this and other 
illustrations. Miss Hibbard, in her article on ' Erkenbald the Belgian ', 
deals excellently with these tapestries in relation to her theory, and adds 
some useful bibliography. Cp. also Crowe and Cavalcaselle, Early Flemish 
Painters, 1857. 



The Cologne Chronicle ^ describes the painting, and tells how, 
when Trajan's bones were taken up, the tongue was found as 
flesh and blood, but as soon as the head had been baptized, 
resolved to dust. The Cologne picture may well have been 
copied from the Brussels paintings, if not by Van der Weyden 
himself. In the history of tapestry the Brussels frescoes 
hold an important place, having evidently been often repro- 
duced by the ^ tapissiers ' of Arras. The Bernese tapestries 
were captured by the Swiss from Charles the Bold in 1476. 

A general survey of all these forms indicates the following 
main stages of the legend : 

(1) The earliest versions tell how St. Gregory was 
touched by the story of Trajan's magnanimity in rendering 
justice to a widow for her slain (or injured) son, though at 
the moment of her appearing before him he was setting out 
for war ; and how, by the prayer of the pope, the pagan 
emperor was freed from hell. In this first form of the legend, 
the pope recalls Trajan's act of justice as he walks through 
the Trajan Forum. Ti-ajan's magnanimity seems to have 
been illustrated by some mural sculpture, probably on the 
Arch of Trajan, though modern authorities are inclined to 
hold that the supplicating widow was a representation of 
some province. In some versions it is the emperor's own son 
who was guilty, and who was given by the emperor to the 
widow as a just compensation. 

(2) In the second stage the opening of Trajan's tomb dis- 

1 Massmann dates the Cologne Chronicle which he uses as 1494. It is 
noteworthy in dealing with the whole story and describing the pictures, 
that the chronicler says that it was after seeing the Trajan Column and 
admiring it that Gregory prayed for Trajan, that he might not be lost 
though he was a heathen. Then, when Gregory had received Divine 
intimation that his prayer had been granted, the remains were dug up at 
Rome. The motto ou the picture was ' lustus ego barathro gentilis solvor 
ab atro.' 



closes the remains of a dead body, the skull, with the 
tong-ue, being intact. Either this is taken as evidence of 
Trajan's justice, or the tongue is made to speak. In this case 
it, in answer to Gregory's bidding, tells that the remains are 
those oi" Trajan, and that the emperor, being a pagan, is in 
hell. It then narrates the story of his act of justice towards 
the widow, and St. Gregory's prayers, with or without the 
baptism of the remains, are effective in releasing Trajan from 
the pains of hell, and gaining for him the reward of the 
righteous. In other versions, Gregory, either before the 
discovery or after, recalls the merit of Trajan in his justice 
towards the widow. 

(3) In the next stage, the emperor becomes transformed into 
an unnamed pagan judge, who had never swerved from 
justice, and who on that account is allowed to await salvation 
through baptism ; and the legend evidently becomes localized 
in different places. Thus we have the story recorded ^ that in 
Vienna, circa 1200, a head was found, with tongue and lips 
intact, and, in answer to the bishop's questioning, replied : 
' Ego eram paganus et index in hoc loco, nee unquam lingua 
mea protulit iniquam sententiam, quare etiam mori non 
possum, donee aqua baptismi renatus, ad coelum evolem, quare 
propter hoc banc gratiam apud Deum merui. Baptizato igitur 

^ Werner Rolevinck, the German theologian and annalist, author of 
the popular Fasciculus Tetnporum (1425-1502) gives this story in ch. 3 
of his Latin work De Antiquonim Saxonum Ritu, first jjrinted in 1478, 
and often subsequently reprinted. Rolevinck is evidently quoting from 
some annals or historical work or collection of exempla in which this 
incident is given as happening at Vienna about 1200. He certainly did 
not invent it, which might have been suspected, had he mentioned it in 
connexion with Westphalia. The whole passage is of interest, and as the 
book is rare, I print it in the Appendix. I have no doubt the assignment 
to about 1200 is due to an attempt to connect the legend with the early 
history of the Cathedral of St. Stephen, which was originally a twelfth- 
century building, though later rebuilt. 

xlix g 


capite, statitn ling-ua in favillam corruit, et spiritus ad 
Dominum evolavit/ 

The Transformation of the Trajan Legend to the 
Miracle of St. Erkenwald. Such a version as this last 
may well have become localized in Loudon and associated with 
St. Paul's, though it is strange that, as it seems, it was 
unknown to Bromyavde, and yet known to the interpolator. 
Some such Latin record our author may have had before him 
when he wrote, 

' & as Jjai m[u]kkyd^ & mynyd^, a m^ruayle pai fouwden, 
As jet in crafty cronecles is kydde J?^ memorie ' (11. 43-4). 

All the same, he certainly knew and availed himself of the 
widespread Gregory-Trajan story. He further developed the 
legend, and clad the remains with sumptuous robes, untouched 
by time, a treatment of his theme derived from the lives of 
the saints. 

Indebted to Bede's Ecclesiastical History for many a hint, he 
deliberately transferred to the story of the finding of the body 
of the pagan judge, the account he found in Bede of the trans- 
lation of St. Cuthbert, when his body, some eleven years after 
burial, was discovered to be uncorrupted ' quasi adhuc viveret ', 
with its vestments not only whole, but with all their original 
freshness and marvellous brightness. The bishop was then far 
away from the church, and the messengers took him some part 
of the garments.^ Under the influence of this passage, the 
English poet has worked his transformation, but his indebted- 
ness to other Latin ecclesiastical histories can be inferred.^ 

' Bk. IV, cli. XXX. 

2 Tlius the words found in the Life of St. Erkenwald in Capgrave's 
Nova Legenda Angliae (ed. Horstmann, i, p. 396), 'et tamen nee fihun 
pallii sepulchro superpositi naturam suam perdidit aut colorem mutavit ', 
remind one of our poet's phrase, 'his colour & his clothe', 1. 148; cp. 
1. 263. It seems to me that one can detect in the poem the evidence of 
a Latin original, not only in such a phrase as this, but elsewhere, e. g. 



The general erabellislimeixt was inspired by the love ol 
decorative description that characterized the alliterative poets. 
The closing- lines o£ the poem, describing how, when the 
tongue ceased its utterance, 'the blee of the body was black 
as the mould ^, and resolved itself into dust, reads like a para- 
phrase of some such words as those quoted above, that the 
tongue fell to dust, and the spirit hastened to the Lord. 

If the Gregory-Trajan miracle had become localized in 
London and at St. Paul's, without the names of bishop or 
judge, as in the case of the Vienna legend, it would have been 
natural to associate the miracle with St. Erkenwald, more 
especially at a time when renewed enthusiasn was being 
stirred for the due observance of the feast-days held in his 
honour as the most renowned of London's bishops, whose rich 
shrine was the glory of the cathedral, and an object of 
veneration far and wide. 

The ascription of the miracle to St. Erkenwald may well 
have been due to our poet. He may have derived the 
transferred legend of the finding of the head of a pagan 
judge in the foundations of St. Paul's from some lost record, 
not widely current, to which small credence was given even by 
such a collector of exempla as Bromyarde, if he knew of it. 

' Y' bi-yst bowrne of J)in eghen ', 1. 330 ; compared with the many phrases 
expressing outbni'st of tears, and especially such a phrase as the following 
from the Life of St. Dunstan, ed. Stubbs, p. 50 : 'rore lacrymarum . . . quas 
. . . Sanctxis quoque Spiritus ... ex oculorum rivulis potenter elicuit.' 

Of course there are reminiscences of the characteristic handling of 
Exempla and Miracles as found in mediaeval literature. The first line 
of the poem is obvioiisly imitated from some such opening as ' A londres en 
angleterre' or its Latin equivalent or its imitation in English. Similarly 
the idea in 1. 43 of the judge not being biassed against the slayer of his 
father may well have been suggested by the exemplum of charity (not 
justice) set forth in the widely diffused story of the knight who forgave 
the slayer of his father, found so often in the Northern Homily Collection. 
See Carleton Brown, Register of Middle English Religious Verse, vol. ii, p. 152, 
to which references add MS. Bodl. 3-440. 



In her article on 'Erkenbald the Belgian', Miss Hibbard 
deals with the Belgian story of ' Brussels' Brutus \ Erken- 
baldus de Burban, who was such a lover of justice that he 
killed his own nephew because of the youth's wickedness 
towards a maiden. He concealed this action from his confessor. 
The confessor, his bishop, knew what he had done, and refused 
to give him the last sacrament. 

Nevertheless Erkenbald, pleading that what he had done 
was in righteousness and dread of God, and not in sin, declared 
that he betook both body and soul to the holy sacrament, that 
is, to God Himself ; and by a miracle, Almighty God Himself 
gave him what the bishop had denied. 

The name of the hero of this story, as first given in the 
'Dialogus Miraculorum ' of Caesarius of Heisterbach, c. 1220, 
is Erkenbaldus de Burban, and the name clearly links the 
story with the early history of the family of the Bourbons, 
which took its name from Bourbon I'Archambault [i.e. Erken- 
bald), a town of an important lordship in the tenth century, 
Erkenbald being a common name of these Bourbon princes in 
the eleventh and twelfth centuries. In the manuscripts in 
which the miracle is related, Bourbon suffers many corruptions. 

I cannot agree with Miss Hibbard when she maintains that 
there was a wide diffusion on the continent of the legend of St. 
Erkenwald, and that this fact ' may, perhaps, account for a 
surprising shift of names that took place even in the Belgian 
homeland of the Erkenbald legend \ i. e. she holds that on the 
continent the name Erkenbald of the Bourbon chief had been 
transferred to the bishop of the story, and had still further 
been changed, under the influence of the stories of St. Erken- 
wald into Erkenwald. If this were so, the fact might well 
have an important bearing on the genesis of the present poem ; 
but unfortunately the evidence adduced by Miss Hibbard tells 
the other way. She quotes from the Alphahehim, Narrationnni, 



a collection o£ tales, probably by Arnold of Liege, c. 1308, 
where following a Trajan story of justice there is a story of 
a judge ' named Bormar, who killed his nephew for just cause, 
and sent for Bishop Erkenwaldus to give him absolution. The 
whole story, including the final miracle of the Host, is identi- 
cal in detail with that told by Caesarius, but it is said to be 
drawn from an account by Bishop Erkenwaldus himself/ 
Miss Hibbard has found this version of the story in the 
fifteenth-century English ti*anslation of the Alpkabetum Narra- 
tionum entitled An Alphabet of Tales ,^ 2Lndi has assumed, although 
a glance at the foot-note would have saved her from the 
blunder, that the English translation is an accurate rendering 
of the Latin. It is the English fifteenth-century translator 
who misunderstood the original ' Herkyndaldus de Bornayre, 
vir nobilis ', and translated it ' Herkenwaldus tellis of ane ]7at 
hight Bormar, ]?at was a noble man \ A similar mistransla- 
tion later on makes ' Herbinbaldus ' the bishop's name.^ 
Accordingly, interesting as it may be to know of the legend 
of Erkenbald the Belgian, so often, by a striking coincidence, 
brought into connexion as illustrating justice, with the 
exemplum of Trajan, no evidence has been adduced tending to 
demonstrate that the miracle of Erkenbald influenced the 
attribution to St. Erkenwald of the version of the Trajan- 
story localized at St. Paul's. All the same, as Miss Hibbard 
has well brought out, the well-nigh identical forms of the two 
names, and the treatment of the Trajan and Erkenbald stories 
as exempla of justice, should not be lost sight of.^ 

1 Ed. Mrs. M. M. Banks, Early English Text Society, 127, pp. 287-9. 

"^ 'Episcopus uocatus cum sacris aduenit. Herbinbaldus, cum multis 
lacrimis et cordis contricione, omnia peccata sua confessus est', becomes 
' & J)an he sent for J)e bisshop Herkenwaldus, and he come wttA Y sacra- 
ment & shrafe hym, & howseld hym not, & he made grete sorow & had 
grete contricion in his harte for his syn.' 

^ There is no doubt that in England Erkinbald the Bourbon became 



The Poem Contrasted with the Treatment of Trajan in 
' Piers Plowman '. From what has been said above, our 
poem may well be described as a mediaeval exemplum of 
justice. The central figure is not the saintly bishop, but the 
pagan judge, who, never swerving from justice, was at his 
death honoured as ' king of keen justices ', and was destined, 
by grace, through baptism, to receive merit for his just dooms, 
and by a divine miracle, to pass from ' the deep lake ' to the 
solemn feast ' where those are refreshed who have hungered 
after right '} It is as if our poet were anxious to enforce the 
lesson of justice at a time when Meed, self-interest, or bias, 
too often tampered with Right. At the same time, his 
attitude towards baptism as essential for salvation is conserva- 
tive and orthodox. From many points of view it is of interest 
to compare the present poem with the references to Trajan in 
the Vision of Piers Ploionian. In the B and C versions of the 
Vision of Piers Plowman, in Passus III of ' Dowel ', we have 
Troianus, i. e. Trajan, the true knight, telling his story : 

' How he was ded and dampned to dwellen in pyne, 
For an vncristene creature, — " clerkis wyten the sothe. 
That al the clergye vnder Cryste ne mi3te me cracche fro 

But onliche loue and leaute and my lawful domes " .' 

(B. xi. 137-40.) 

The writer of the B version, as well as the reviser who was 

Eikenwald. Thus Henry VIII had among his tapestries in the Tower 
as Miss Hibbard points out, 'i jiece of riche arras of king Erkinwalde'. 
The name, by the way, puzzled the editor of Warton's Ilistorij of English 
Poetry {cp. vol. ii, p. 192, of the edition of 1871), who implies that 'king' 
ought to have been ' bishop '. Tlie tapestry was no doubt a reproduction 
of Van der Weyden's picture at Brussels, which immediately followed 
that of Trajan, 

1 Cp. ratievcc 19-20 : 

'pay ar happen also J)at hungeres after ry5t, 
For ])ay schal frely be refcte ful of alle gode.' 



responsible for the C version^ whether the same or a different 
author, evidently knew the Trajan ^ story as current in Eng- 
land in its simple form of Gregory^s successful intercession 
by prayer ^ for the pagan emperor. The B version refers 
directly to ' the Legende Sanctorum ' as a source. The author 
was evidently familiar with the theological discussions on the 
subjectj which he dismisses with an exclamation placed on the 
lips of Trajan, ' ^ee ! baw for bokes', and with characteristic 
boldness declares that Trajan, that Saracen, was saved, not 
through prayer of a Pope, but through his pure truth (B. xi. 
150 ; cjj. C. xiii. 74-99), The reviser of C evidently shrinks 
from so audacious a statement. A comparison of the two 
versions is full of interest; the subtle changes in C are 

In B. xii, and the corresponding passage in C. xv, the 
subject is again discussed, where Imaginative instructs the 
dreamer on the problem of whether baptism could be dispensed 
with for salvation, and points out that, 

' Trajan was a true knight, and took never Christendom, 
And he is saved, saith the book, and his soul in heaven. 
There is baptism of font, and baptism in blood-shedding. 
And through fire is baptism, and all is firm belief. 
Advenit ignis divimis, non comhnrens sed illumuians.^ * 

^ It is noteworthy that the Vision of Piers Plowman, as so many Middle 
English writings, gives the form as 'Trojanus', though the author of C 
has both ' Troianus ' and ' Trai.inus '. 

2 The legend in Middle English is frequently found in MSS. of the 
Northmii Homilies (see Carle ton Brown, Register of Middle Eiiglish Religious 
Verse, vol. ii, p. 42). It is often referred to by Gower, and in Wintouu's 
Chronicle is given at great length (vol. iii, pp. 2S6-9G, ed. Amours, 
Scottish Text Society). For versions of the story in MSS. of mediaeval 
exempla, see Catalogue of Romances in the Lept. of MSS., Biitish Museum, 
vol. iii, J. A. Herbert. 

* See Appendix, p. 56. 

* Piers Plowman, C. xv. 205-8 ; cp. Matt. iii. 11. 

In B. X. 883, and the corresponding passage in C. xii, the belief that 



Probable Date, Occasion, and Authorship. But while 
the poet's efforts have been directed mainly to the pagan 
judge as an exemplar of justice, it is in honour of St. Erken- 
wald that the poem must have been composed. The poet's 
obvious intention is clearly to associate himself with the cult 
of St. Erkenwald at St. Paul's Cathedral. The outstanding 
date in connexion with the observance of the feast-days of the 
saint is the year 1386, to which allusion has already been 

There is no evidence of date to be derived from the poem 
itself. Its tone tends to confirm the view that it was com- 
posed for some special occasion. Such external evidence as 
one can suggest would make such a date as 1386 most 

The poem in its plan, its vocabulary,^ its general style and 
method, and its quatrain arrangement, recalls Cleanness and 
Patience. The enumeration of the christianized heathen 
temples seems a reminiscence of the gods prayed to by the 
heathen sailors in Patience,^ the ceremonial with which the 
soul of the judge is received at the heavenly feast is the 
same as that observed at the marriage feast in Cleanness.^ 

Solomon and Aristotle were both in hell is contested, and it is notewox-thy 
that in the passage concerning Trajan one MS. interpolates some lines 
concerning Job, the paynim, and Aristotle being both saved, because of 
their holy life. 

^ E.g. its use of such a word as 'norne', which occurs three times in 
Cleanness and four times in Gawain, and is not found elsewhere. The 
suggestion that the author is to be identified with the writer of the 
alliterative fragment on Thomas a Becket (E.E.T.S. 42) has absolutely 
nothing to commend it. 

2 Cf. 1. 20 with Patience 167, To Mahouw & to Mergot, pe Mone & pa 

3 Cf. 11, 337-8 with Cleanness 91-2 : 

Fill maneHy wyih marchal mad for to sitte, 
As he wat3 dere of de-gre dressed his seeto. 



Occasionally we are reminded, too, of some possible know- 
ledge of Fearl on the part of the author, and this not only 
by the mention of ' many a precious pearl ' around the hem of 
the judge's robe, which might well have symbolic connota- 
tions, but also by more subtle points of contact. The central 
theme of Tearl is the regality — the heavenly crown — granted 
by grace, after baptism, to an innocent child. It is further 
enunciated in Fearl that, according to Holy Writ, the right- 
eous man shall * climb the lofty hill and rest within the holy 
place '. In the present poem the problem of the salvation of 
the righteous seems to take up the question as left in Pearl. 
Our poet, treating the story of the pagan righteous judge who 
was allowed to await baptism, evidently emphasizes his view 
that the righteous in works are received into the Kingdom, 
and have their due place at the feast, after the waters of 
baptism have fallen upon them. 

In my introductory study to Cleanness^ I have endeavoured 
to show that the terminus a quo for the date of that poem must 
be 1373, and I think we may safely assume that the present 
poem is not earlier than the companion poems, Cleanness and 
Patience. Its diction is simpler than that of those poems, it 
lacks their strength and intensity ; but this sign of weakness 
might be due to its being composed for some special occasion, 
and not a theme chosen by the poet and slowly elaborated. If 
not the work of the poet of Patience and Cleanness, Erkemvald 
must be due to some disciple who very cleverly caught the 
style of his master. 

Even in his method of authenticating, as it were, his work 
by adducing some extant authority — ' as yet in crafty 
chronicles is recorded the memory ' ^ — even in that he reminds 
one of the poet of Sir Gatvain and the Green KnigJit, who 

» 1. 44. 

Ivii h 


asserts that he is about to tell his romance as he had 

heard it : 

* As it is set full real 

In story stiff and strong, 
Locked in letters leal, 

In land so has been long.' ^ 

* Erkenwald ' speciflcally a London Poem. There is 
one aspect of this alliterative poem of 'Erkenwald that gives 
it almost a special interest, namely, that its place of origin 
must have been the city of London. The writer of the 
poem was no mere casual visitor to London, but one who, 
identified with the interests of the city, was cognizant of its 
life, and took pride in its history and the visible monuments 
of its greatness. In dealing with his far-off theme of the 
Saxon saint and the pagan judge who * justified ' the town in 
the days of King Belinus, the poet is thinking of the St. Paul's 
of his own day, not only with reference to the glorious shrine of 
the saint, and to the efforts to establish the due observance 
of his feast-days, but also to the position of the Cathedral as 
the centre of civic and almost of national life, the scene of so 
many stirring episodes, the cathedral church of the metro- 
polis, famed for the grandeur and beauty of its service, to 
which he alludes when stating that ' many gay lords were 
assembled there when, in full pontificals, with choir accom- 
paniment, the bishop sang the High Mass ', He then adds 
most significantly as a parenthesis, * even as the nobles of the 
realm repair thither oft '.^ 

Yet the alliterative metre of the poem, and the dialect in 
which it is written, could not well have been chosen by a poet 
London-born and London-bred. A Londoner could not, or 

1 Gawain, 11. 33-6. 

2 11. 129-35. In Canon Benham's Old St. PauVs, 1902, there are interest- 
ing reproductions from MSS. of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries in 
the British Museum, of a Pontifical Mass, and of organ and trumpets. 



would not, 'rim-ram-ruff'. It may be assumed that the 
author of Erkenwald belong-ed by birth to some district in the 
' West ', although fortune ultimately made him a denizen of 
London. It is indeed noteworthy that London seems to have 
had a stimulating- effect on some of the most characteristic of 
the alliterative poets of the period. In perhaps the earliest of 
these poems, the social political alliterative pamphlet of Winner 
and Waster, belonging to the year 1352, the author of which 
is avowedly a ' Western man \ we have a personal knowledge 
of London life, its social amenities, extravagances, attractions, 
and dangers. The author or authors of the Vision of Piers 
Plowman knew London intimately ; not only are there refer- 
ences to St. Paul's and Westminster, but the meaner side of 
London life is revealed in the confession of Gluttony, Clarice 
of Cock Lane, Godfrey of Garlickhithe, and the other charac- 
ters typical of the London low life of the time. We learn by 
combining the two references C. vi. 1-3 and B. xviii. 426 
(C. xxi. 473), how the author (alliteratively) dwelt in Cornhill 
with Kit, his wife, and Calote, his daughter, clothed as a 
Lollard, among the Lollards of London, and lived ' in London 
and on London both ' ^ The more genial poet of Erkenwald 
must similarly have been settled in London for not a few 
years. His outlook had nothing of the gloomy denunciatory 
character of the prophet-poet of the Vision. If he lived on 
London as well as in London, it was in some comfortable position 
that made life easy, and one thinks of the possibilities of the 
Church and the Law. Had he found a chantry at St. Paul's, 
or even some higher position there, a greater place would, in 
my opinion, have been given in Erkenwald to the bishop whose 
saintliness was commemorated therein. The poet, however, 
seems more bent on glorifying the judge as the embodiment 
of justice, and in paying a tribute to the ideal man of law. It 

1 C. vi. 44. 


is dangerous to theorize where there is no clear evidence, but 
if one had to choose between the two great professions of the 
time, one would perforce make choice of the legal calling as 
that of the author of our poem. One fondly plays with the 
fancy that Chaucer's ' philosophical Strode ' may have been 
concerned. If my identification is correct, Strode, philosopher 
and poet, was Common Sergeant of the City of London. In 
1386, shortly after the Common Sergeant had resigned or 
been ousted from his office, and while he was still retained as 
standing counsel for the city, he may have helped forward the 
efforts of Bishop Braybroke, who in that year made a strong 
endeavour to re-establish the feast-days of St. Erkenwald. 
The poem seems to me to be the work of a hand that was losing 
its cunning. It is such as the author of Cleanness and Patience 
might well have written when his powers were faltering. 
Ralph Strode, the Common Sergeant, died in 1387. He had 
held that office between 1375 and 1385. He had been 
Chaucer's neighbour for a time, living over the gate of Alders- 
gate, while Chaucer dwelt over Aldgate. The dedication of 
Troilus about 1382 to the ^ moral Gower and the philosophical 
Strode ' is evidently to two poets. We have Strode's logical 
and philosophical treatises to attest the truth of the epithet 
' philosophical ', but the author of these extant treatises would 
hardly have evoked from Chaucer such a dedication as is 
implied in the lines at the end of Troilus. Even as Chaucer 
himself was styled ' the philosophical ', so we may assume that 
the epithet bestowed by him on Strode, with the request to 
correct any error that might be found in the poem, implied 
poetical achievement on the part of Strode, as was clearly the 
case in his dedicatory reference on the same occasion to his 
other great contemporary and friend, the ' moral Gower '. 
The contemporary Letter Books of the City of London ^ 
Calendar of Letter Books of the City of London, Letter Book H. temp. Richard 11, 



show how the fortunes of Ralph Strode, Common Sergeant, 
were closely bound up with the municipal struggles of 
Nicholas Brembre, his friend, and John of Northampton, the 
rival Mayors, whose tragic stories well exemplify the close 
connexion of the City of London at that time with the great 
political issues of the State. The vicissitudes of Northampton 
ai-e in English literature associated with the ignominious 
Thomas Usk, author of the pseudo-Chaucerian prose work 
entitled The Testament of Love,^ wherein the author is taught 
by Love how to win the favour of the Margaret Pearl — the 
pearl beyond all price. Traitor to his master, Northampton, 
he had joined the party of Brembre, who had become Mayor 
in 1383, having previously been Collector of Customs when 
Chaucer was Controller of Customs. But Brembre, as the 
devoted friend of King Richard, became involved in the 
political struggles affecting the monarch, and in 1388 both 
Brembre and Usk paid the penalty of death. Strode had died 
the previous year. But the stirring events that culminated 
with the cruel execution of his friend Brembre had been 
moving men's minds for years before, and it must have seemed 
to many that the course of justice was too often affected by 
political bias and personal aims. Amid such conditions arose 
this poem of the ideal pagan judge, who in far-off times, when 
London was New Troy, ruled the city ' under a noble duke *. 
To the minds of the poet and his contemporaries, however. 
New Troy and its noble duke were not really so remote as 
might appear, for it is significant that after the execution of 
Brembre, when his sentence had to be justified, it was alleged 
against him, among other charges, that he aimed at restoring 

ed. R. Sharpe, 1907 ; see also London and the Kingdom, R. Sharpe, vol. i, 

* Ed. Ske&t, ^iWorks of Chaucer, vol. vii. On Brembre, Usk, and North- 
ampton, see Diet. Nat. Bing. and bibliographies appended. 



to London the old name of Troy, and at creating himself 
Duke of that name — ' nomen novum scilicet Parvae Troiae, 
cuius urbis et nominis ipse Dux creari statuit et nominari '.* 

* Historia Anglicana, T. Walsingham, ed. H. T. Kiley, 1864, vol. ii, 
p. 174. 





[F. 72 b] ^ t London in Euglonde no^t fulld? longe [tyme] 
Sythen Crist suffride on crosse, & Criste?i- 

dome stablyde, 
Ther was a byscbop in "pat burgb^^ blessyd 
& sacrydj — 
Saynt Erkenwolde, as I bope, ]at boly mou batte. 

5 In bis tyme iu ]fai ton ]>^ temple alder-grattyst 
Was drawen don ]>at one dole to dedifie new, 
For bit betben bad bene in Hengyst dawes, 
pat ]?® Saxones vnsajt baden sende byder. 

9 pai bete oute ]>^ Bretons, & brojt bo»2 in-to Wales, 
& iperuertyd -dlle J?® pepul "pat in J;at place dwellidg; 
pen wos tbis reame renaide moDy ronke jeres. 
Til Saynt Austyn in-to Sandewicbi? was send(? fro f>® pope. 

13 pen pr^ebyd be bere ]?® pure faytbe & plantyd ]>^ trouthe, 
& conuertyd alk p^ cow^munnates to C/7"ste;^damef newe ; 
He tz^rnyd temples pat tyme pat temyd to p° deuelli?, 
& clansyd bo;w in Cristes nome, & kyrkes bom callid. 

17 He burlyd owt bor ydols & bade hym in sayntes, 
& cbaungit cbeuely bor nomes, & cbargit bom hetter : 
pat ere was of Appolyn is now of Saynt Petre; 
Mabon to Saynt Margrete, oper to Maudelayne. 


21 J)^ Synagoge of }>^ Sowne was sett to oure Lady ; 
Jubiter & Jono to Jh^*u o]}er to James ; 
So he hom dedifiet & dyght alle to dere halowes, 
pat ere wos sett of Sathanas in Saxones tyme. 

25 Now ]>at Loudon is neuenyd hatte ]?® New Troie ; 
p^ metropol & ]>^ mayster-ton hit euermorg has bene; 
p^ mecul mynster J^mnne a maghty deuel aght, 
& ]>° title of j?"^ temple bitan was his name; 

39 For he was dryghtyn derrest of ydols praysid^ 

And p^ solempnest of his sae/ifices in Saxon londes: 
pe tlirid te^«ple hit wos tolde of Triapolitanes ; 
By all(? Bretaynes bonkes weri? bot othire twayne. 

33 IVTow of J^is Augustyues art is Erkenwolde bischop 
xj At loue London ton, & the laghe teches; 
Syttes semely in ]>^ sege of Saynt Paule mynster, 
pat was J>® temple Triapolitan, as I tolde are. 

37 pen was hit abatyd & beten don, & buggyd efte new, 
A noble note for ]f nones, & New Werke hit hatte ; 
Mony a mery mason was made ])e?' to wyrke, 
Harde stones for to hewe wit/i eggit toles; 

41 Mony grubber in grete y grounde for to seche, 
pat ]>^ fundeme/it on fyrst shuld ]?^ fote halde ; 
& as ]^ai m[u]kkyd^ & mynyde?, a meniayle {^ai fouwden. 
As jet in crafty eronecles is kydde p^ memorie. 



45 For as ]?ai dyjt & dalfe so depe i?i-to ^ erthe, 

pai iounden fourmyt on a flore a ferly fair*? toumbe ; 
Hit was a throg-lie of thykke ston, thryuandly hewen, 
WitA gargeles garnysht a-boute, alle of gray marbre. 

49 Thef spe[k]g of ]?« spelunke ]>at spi-adde hit o-lofte 
Was metely made of )7® marbre & menskefully planed^, 
& ]>^ bordure enbelicit witk bryjt golde lettres; 
Bot roynyshe were }>^ resones ]>at ]>er on row stoden. 


Fulle \erray were ]?® vigures, ]}er auisyde hoM mony, 
Bot alle muset hit to moutlie & quat hit mene shulde ; 
[F, 73] Mony clerke in ]>at clos, wit^ crownes ful brode^ 

]>er besiet hom a-boiite nojt, to brynge horn in wordes. 

57 Qnefi tithynges token to J)^ ton of ]>^ toumbe- wonder, 
Mony hundrid hende men highide ]f\der sone; 
Burgeys boghit ]>er-to, bedels ande othire, 
& mony a mesters-mo;^ of maners dyuerse. 

6i Laddes laften hor werke & lepen Jnderwardes, 
Bowmen radly m route xvit/i ryngande noyce; 
per cowmen J^ider of alle kywnes so kenely mony, 
pat as alle ]>^ worlde were ]yider walovi wit/i-in a honde- 

65 Que;? ]7® maire w/tA his meynye ]>at meruaile asjiied. 
By assent of ]7® sextene, ])^ sayntuare j^ai kei:)ten ; 
Bede vnlouke |>® lidde, & lay hit by-side; 
pai wolde loke on ];at lome quat lengyd wit//inne. 

69 Wy5t werke-me;i wit// jn/t wente/i }7er-tille; 
Putten j)rises ]7e;'to, pinchid one-vnder ; 
Kaghten by ]7® corners wit/i crowes of yrne; 
And were ^ lydde neue;- so large, J7ai laide hit by sone. 



73 Bot ]>en wos wonder to wale on wehes ])at stoden, 
That my^t not come to to-knowe a quontyse strange ; 
So was I?® g-lode w/t^-in gay, al witk golde payntyd^, 
& a blisfulle body open J?® both[n?/?] lyggid, — 

77 Araide on a riche wise, in riallg wedes, 

Al w?'t^ glisnande golde his gowne wos hemmjd, 
WiiA mony a precious perle picehit |7er-on, 
(fe a gurdille of golde bigripid^ his mydelle; 

8 1 A meche mantel on-lofte witk menyuer furrit, 

p® clothe of camelyn ful clene, w?t// euwly bordures ; 
& on his coyfe wos kest a coron ful riche, 
& a semely septure sett in his honde. 

85 Als wewles were his wedes, wit/i-onien any tecche, 
Oper of moulynge, o]>er of motes, o]?ir moght-freten, 
& als bryjt of hor blee, in blysnande hewes. 
As l^ai hade jepely in ])at jorde bene jisturday shapen ; 

89 & als freshe hym ]>^ face & the flesh<? nakyde, 
Bi his eres & bi his hondes pat openly shewid, 
Witk ronke rode as ])® rose, & two rede lippes, 
As he ifi sounde sodanly were slippide opon slepe. 

93 per was spedeles space to spyr vschon o]>er 
Quat body h?t myjt be pat buried wos ther ; 
How longe had he per layne, his lere so vnchaungit, 
& al his wede vnwe/«myd, — ]?us ylka weghe askyd : 

97 ' Hit my5t not be bot suche a mon in ray[«]de stode longe ; 
He has ben kynge of Jns kithe, as couthely hit semes, 
He lyes doluen pus depe ; hit is a derfe wonder 
Bot su»?me scgge couthe say pat he hyw sene hade/ 



foi Bot "pat ilke note wos noght, for Bo?irne none couthe, 
'Nd\>er by title, ne token, ne by tale no]>er, 
pfltf wos breuyt in b[rut], ne in bok[e] notyd*?, 
pflt ener mywnyd sueht' a mo[n], morg ne lasse. 

105 p^ bode-word^ to ]7® byschop was broglit on a quile, 
Of ]}at buriedt? body al ]}^ bolde wonder ; 
p® primate wit/i his prelacie was partyd fro home; 
In Esex was Ser Erkenwolde, an abbay to visite. 

109 Tulkes tolden hym ])^ tale [& ]?"] troubulk i/i J>® pepul, 
And suche a cry aboute a cors crakit eu^r-more ; 
„., The bischop sende hit to blynne, by bedels & lettres, 

Ande buskyd ]?idgrwarde by-tyme on his blonke after. 

113 By ]>at he come to ]}e kyrke, kydde of Saynt Paule, 
Mony hjm metten on ]>at meere, "p^ mi^mayle to telle ; 
He passyd in-to his palais & pes he comaandit. 
& denoydit fro ]?® d[outh]e, & ditte ]7® durre after. 

117 p® derke nyjt ouer-drofe, & day-belle ronge; 

And Ser Erkenwolde was vp ifi ]>^ vghten ere pen, 
pflt wel neghe al p^ nyjt hade na[i]tyd his ho?^res, 
To biseche his souerayn, of his swete grace^ 

121 To vouche-safe to reuele hym hit, by a-vis[i]on or elles; 

'paghe I be vnworthi ', al wepande he sayde, 
' Thurghe [J>'] deere debonerte, digne hit, my Lorde, 
In cowfirmynge p^ cresten faithe, fulsen me to kenne 
125 p^ mysterie of |?is meruaile pat men opon wondres.' 

& so longe he grette after grace, pat he graunte hade. 
An ansuare of p^ Holy Goste, & after-warde hit dawid. 
Mynster-dores were makyd opon, quen matens were 
songen ; 
129 p^ byschop hyw shope solemply to synge p^ heghe masse. 



pe prelate in pontificals was prestly atyridi? ; 
Manerly vfiih his ministres ];^ masse he begy?mes 
Of Siiirifiis Do)}?mi for his spede, on sutile wise, 
133 Wiik qiieme questis of ]?•' queir, wltk ful quaynt notes. 

Mony a gay grete lorde was gedrid to herken hit 
(As J?" rekenest of ]?^ reame repairen ]?ider ofte), 
Tille cessyd was }>® s^-ruice, & sayde ]?® later ende, 
137 pen heldj^t fro ]?e autere allg ]>® heghe gynge. 

p® prelate passid6' on ]y^ playn, "per plied to hjm lordes ; 
As riche reuestid as he was, he rayked to )>® toumbe; 
Men vnnlosid hym |?® elojster wit/i clustredi? keies; 
141 Bot pyne wos wit/i ]>^ grete prece ])at passyd hym aft<?r. 

The byschop come to ]?^ biirynes, him barones besyde ; 
P® mair(3 witk mony ma5ti men, & macers heiore hym ; 
p® dene of ]?® dere place deuysit al on fyrst, 
145 p® fyndynge of pat ferly witk fynger he mynte. 

Lo, lordes/ qno]} pat lede, ' snche a Ij^che here is. 
Has layn loken here on-loghe, how longe is vnknawen ; 
& 5et his colo?/r & his clothe has ca5t no defaute, 
149 Ne his lire, ne ]?® lome pat he is layde inne. 

pe;- is no lede opon lyfe of so longe age 
pat may mene in his mynde pat suche a mon regnyd, 
Ne noper his nome ne his note no7irne of one speche ; 
153 Qy^eper mony porer in |ns place is putte into graue, 
pflt merkid is in onre martilage his mynde for eue;*. 

& we haue oure librarie la[i]tid |7es longe seuen dayes, 
Bot one cronicle of )>is kynge con we neuer fynde ; 
157 He has no« layne here so longe, to loke hit by kynde. 
To malte so out of memorie, bot meruayle hit were.' 



' pc»u says so|'e/ (]itw\ Y segge \^ai sacrid was b^-schop, 
^Hit is m(?;-uaile to men, ^at mou/^tes to litellt? 
i6i Towards? Y P^'ouidens of Y P^'^nce }>at Paradis weldes, 
Quea hym luste to vnlouke Y leste of his myites. 

Bot quen matyd is moTznes myjt, & his mynde passyd^. 
And al his resons are to-rent, & redeles he stondes, 
165 pen letter hit hjm ful litelle to louse wyt a fynger 
pflt alle Y hondes vnde>' heue;^ halde my^t neue^r. 

pere-as creatures erafte of cou?isell<9 oute swarues, 
[F. 74] pe comforthe of ]>q creators byhoues J^e c[reat]ur(? take. 

169 & so do we now oure dede, deuyne we no fyrre ; 
To seche ]7e sothe at oure-selfe, jee se ]?er no bote; 
Bot gl[e]w we all<? opon Godde, & his grace aske, 
pat careles is of cou/iselle, [vs] comforthe to sende. 

173 [Anande] ])ai in fastynge of yiur faithe & of fyne bileue, 
I shal auay 30W so verrayly of ve/'tues his, 
pflt 5e may leue vpon longe ]7at he is lord myjty, 
& fayne '^our talent to fulfille, if je hym frende leues.* 



177 nphen he tw^-nes to ]>® toumbe & talkes to ]>^ corce ; 
JL Lyftande vp his eghe-lyddes, he loused suche wordes : 
' Now, lykhame, J?at ]>[iis^ lies, layne ]>ou no lenger, 
Sythen Jhesus has iug-git to-day his ioy to be sehewyd^ ! 

181 Be ]>ovL bone to his bode, I bydde i/i his behalue ; 
As he was bende on a heme, quen he his blode sehedde, 
As pou hit wost wyterly, & we hit wele leuen, 
Ansuare here to my sawe, conncele no trouthe ! 

185 Sithen we wot not qwo ]70U art, witere vs ]?*-selwen, 
In worlde quat weghe J70U was, & quy J»ow ]>us ligges. 
How longe 'pou. has layne her«", & quat laghe \)ou vsyt, 
Q,ue]>er art ]>o\i ioyned to ioy oper iuggid to pyne/ 

189 Quen J?® segge hade pus sayde, & syked per-a,iter, 
p^ bry3t body m p^ burynes bray[J>]ed a litell^, 
& wit/t a drery dreme he dryues owte wordes 
purghe s[uw^] lyf[ly] goste, lantf of hym pat al redes : — 

193 ' Bisshop,' quop J>is ilke body, ' p^ boode is me der^, 
I may not bot boghe to p^ bone for bothe myn eghen ; 
fp® name pat pon neuenyd has & no?«'net me a.iter 
Al heuen & helle heldes to, & erthe bitwene. 

197 Fyrst to say the p^ sothe quo my selfe wer^, — 
One p^ vnhapnest hathel pat euer on erthe jode, 
Neu6'r kynge ne cayser ne jet no knyjt nothyr(?, 
Bot a lede of p^ laghe pat |>en |?is londe vsit. 

201 I was cow2mittid & made a mayst^r-mon her<?. 
To sytte vpon sayd causes p^^ cite I jerayd, 
Ynder a prmce of parage of paynymes laghe, 
& vche segge pat him sewid<? p^ same faythi? trowid. 



205 p^ lengthe of my lyinge here, ]mt is a l[app]id date 
Hit to m[ut]he to any mou to make of a uombre : 
AHer ]>at Brut?/* J)is burghs had buggid on fyrste 
No^t bot [aglit] hundred jere ]>er aghtene wontyd — 

209 Before }7at kywned ^our Criste by crzsten acou?ite 
[pre hundred] jere & j^ritty mo & 5et threnen aght, 
I was [o]n eirt;f of an oye[r] in ]>^ New Troie 
In ]>^ regne of ]?® riche kynge ]?at rewlit vs }»en, 

213 The bolde Breton Ser Bel}Ti, — Ser Berynge was his 
brothire — 
Mony one was ])^ busmare boden hom bitwene 
For hor wrakeful werre, quil hor wrathe lastyd, — 
pen was I iuge here enioynyd in gentil lawe.' 

217 Quil he in spelunke ]>us spake ]>er sprange in ^^ pepulle 
In al ]?is worlde no worde, ne wakenyd no noice, 
Bot al as stille as J?® ston stoden & listonde, 
WitA meche wonde;- forwrast, & wepid ful mony. 

231 The bisshop biddes ]>at body, 'biknowe )?® cause, 

Sithen );ou was kidde for no kjoige, quy ]>o\i ]>^ cron weres. 

Quy haldes ]>ou so heghe vi honde ]>e septre, 

& hades no londe of lege men, ne life ne lym aghtes ? ' 

[F. 74b] 325 'Dere ser,' quoy ]>^ dede body, 'deuyse ]>^ I thenke, 
Al was hit neuer my wille J^at wroght ]>us hit were; 
I wos deputate & domesmon \i\der a duke noble, 
& i?i my power ];is place was putte al to-geder . 

229 I iustifiet J^is ioly towi on gentil wise, 

& ener 171 iotirnie of gode faithe, more |;en fourty wynte/*. 
p^ folke was felonse & fals, & frowarde to reule; 
I hent harmes ful ofte, to holde hom to rijt. 

9 c 


233 Bot for wotbe ne wele ne wrathe ne drede, 

Ne for maystrie ne for mede ne for no mownes aghe, 
I remewit nener fro ]>^ ri3tj by reson myn awen, 
For to dresse a wrange dome, no day of my lyue. 

337 Declynet neuer my eonsciens, for couetise on erthe, 
In no gynful iugement no iapes to make, 
Were a renke nener so riche, for reugrens sake, 
Ne for no mo«nes manas, ne mesehefe ne routhe. 

241 Non gete me fro ]>^ heghe gate to glent out of ryjt, 
Als ferforthe as my faithe cowfo?^rmyd my hert ; 
paghe had bene my fadi?;- bone, I bede hym no wranges, 
Ne fals fauow/ to my fad^r, ]7aghe felle hym be hongyt. 

245 & for I was ryjtwis & reken, & redy of J)® laghe, 
Quen I deghed, for dul denyed alle Troye; 
Alle menyd my dethe, }>^ more & the lasse ; 
& ]>us to bounty my body l^ai buriet in golde, — 

249 Gladden me for ]>" curtest ]>at eourte couthe ]>en holde, 
In mantel for J?° mekest & monlokest on benche; 
Gurden me forf gouern[ance J?®] graythist of Troie, 
Furrid me for ^ fynest of faiths [I^'^''] w/t^inne. 

253 For ]>° honoiir of myn honeste of heghest enprise, 
pai coronyd me y kidde kynge of kene iustises, 
P[at] ener was tronyd i?i Troye o]>er trowid ener shulde ; 
And for I rewardid ener rijt, |7ai raght me the septre.' 

257 p^ bisshop baythes hym jet, xvit/i bale at his hert, 
paghe men menskid him so, how hit myjt worthe 
pat his clothes were so clene; 'in cloutes, me thynkes, 
Hom burde haue rotid & bene rent m ratt^« longe sythen. 



261 p* body may be enbawmyd, hit bashis me noght 
pat hit thar ryne ne rote ne no ronke wormes; 
Bot y colours ne y clothe, I know in no wise 
How hit myjt lye by moj'ines lore & last so longe.' 

265 'Nay, bisshop,^ qiiop ]>at body, 'enbawmyd wos I neuer, 
Ne no mownes couwselle my clothe has kepyd vnwewzmyd ; 
Bot 1?® riche kyng-e of reson, ]?at rijt ener alowes, 
& loues al J?® lawes lely ]>at longen to trouthe; 

269 & moste he menskes men for my^^nynge of rijtes, 

pe» for al ]?^ meritorie medes ]>at men on molde vsen; 
& if renkes for ri3t ^ns me arayed has, 
He has lant me to last ]>at loues ryjt best.' 

273 '^ea, bot sayf |70u of ^ saiile,' Ipen sayd J?® bisshop. 
' Quere is ho stablid & stadde, if ])ou so strejt wroghtes ? 
He ]>at rewardes vehe a renke as he has rijt semyd 
Myjt euel for-go the to gyf c of his grace suwme brawnche. 

277 For as he says m his sothe psalmyde writtes : 
"p° skilfulle & ]7® vnskathely skelton ay to me." 
For-]7i say me of ]>^ soule, in sele qneve ho wownes, 
And of ]>^ riche restorment ]>at rajt hyr oure Lorde 1 ' 

281 pen huw^myd he pat per lay, & his hedde waggyd, 
& gef e a gronynge ful grete, & to Godde sayde : — 
'Majty maker of men, thi myghtes are grete. 
How myjt Y mercy to me amounte any tyme? 

[F. 75] 285 Nas I a paynyw^ vnpreste, pat nener thi plite knewe, 
Ne ]?[®] mesure of p^ mercy, ne p^ mecul vertue, 
Bot ay a freke faitheles ]?at faylid p' laghes, 
pat euer pou, Lord, wos louyd in? Alias, p^ harde stoundes I 



289 I was non of jj" nombr(? ])at pon 'with noy bogbtes 
Witk ])° blode of thi body vpon ]?" bio rode; 
Quen pon hergh<?des belle-hole, & hentes ho?w per-onte, 
P[''] loffynge, oute of Limbo, pon laftes [m]e per. 

293 & per sittes my soule pat se may n[o] fyrre, 

Dwynande in pe derke detb^, pat dyjt vs oure fader, 

Adam, oure; alder, pat ete of pat appulle 

pat mony a i)ly5tles pepul has poysned for ener. 

297 3^ were entouchid witk his te[e]he & t[o]ke in p^ gl[e]tte, 
Bot mendyd w^'t^ a medecyn, 5e are made for to lyuye, — 
prtt is fulloght in fonte, wit/i faitheful bilene; 
& pat han we myste alle me^rciles, myselfe & my soule. 

301 Quat wan we •witk oure wele-dede pat wrogbtyn ay rijt, 
Quen we are da?//pnyd dulfully into ]'e depe lake, 
& exiled fro pat soper so, pat solempne fest, 
per riehely bit arne refetyd pat after right hungride ? 

305 My soule may sitte J>er in sorow, & sike ful eolde, 
Dy[m]ly m pat derke dethe, per dawes neuer morowen, 
Hungrie in-witk belle-hole, & herken after mceles, 
Longe er ho pat soper se, oper segge byr to lathe.' 

309 pi/s dulfully Jjis dede body deuisyt hit sorowe, 
pat alle wepyd for woo, p^ wordes pat herden ; 
& p° bysshop balefully here don bis eghen, 
pat hade no space to speke, so spakly he joskyd, 

313 Til he toke hym a tome, & to p° toumbe lokyd, 
To p° liche per hit lay, witk lauande teres : 
*Oure Lord lene,' qjwp pat lede, 'pat pon lyfe hades. 
By Godde* leue, as longe as I my5t lacche water, 



317 & cast vpon ]>^ faire cors, & carpe ]?es wordes, — 
"I folwe p^ i>i ]?" ¥ nome & his fre Cbildes 
& of y gracious Holy Goste " ; — & not one grue lengcr. 
pen j7o£ ])o\\ droppyd dou« dede, hit daungerde me lasse/ 

321 'With ]>at worde ]?at he warpyd, [of his] wetef eghen 
[p®] teres trillyd adon, & on ]?® toumbe lighten; 
& one felle on his face, & ]>^ freke syked; 
pen sayd he w/t/5 a sadde sou;?, ' Oure Sauyoure be louyd ! 

325 Now herid be ])ovl, heghe God, & |)i hende Mod^r, 
& bhssid be J>flt blisful hour^ ]>ai ho the here in ! 
& also be ])o\i, bysshop, ]7® bote of my sorowe, 
& J?" relefe of ]7® lodely lures ]mt my soule has leuyd in ! 

329 For j?^ wordes ]>at ]>ou. werpe, & ]?® wat(?r ])at ])ou sheddes, 
p^ bryjt bowrne of ]nn eghen, my bapteme is worthyn ; 
p® fyrst slent ]>at on rae slode slekkyd al my tene; 
Ryjt now to soper my soule is sette at j?* table. 

333 For with ])® wordes & }»® water "pat weshe vs of payne 
Lijtly lasshit ^er a leme loghef in ]?® abyme, 
pat spakly sprent my spyrit with vnsparid murthe 
Into ]>^ cenacle solewzply ]>er soupen alle trew; 

337 & Iper a marcialle hyr mette with, menske alder-grattest, 
& with reuerence a rowme he rajt hyr for ener. 
I heere ]>eroi my heghe God, & also })°, bysshop, 
Fro bale has brojt vs to blis^ blessid yon worths ! ' 

[F. 75b] 341 Wyt this cessyd his sowne, sayd he no more; 
Bot sodenly his swete chere swyndid & faylidr', 
And alle the blee of his body wos blakke as p" moldcs, 
As roten as y rottok ]?at rises in powdere. 



345 For as sone as p^ soule was sesyd in blisse, 

Corrupt was fat o])er crafte j^at couert Y bones; 
For Y ay-lastande life, pat lethe shalk neu^r, 
Deuoydes vche a vayne glorie, pat vayles so litelle. 

349 pen wos louynge oure Lorde vfith loves vp-lialden; 
Meche mowrnynge & myrthe was mellyd to-geder; 
pai passyd forth e in procession, & alle |>® pepulk folowid. 
And alld p^ belles in Y burghe beryd at ones. 







(A) Emendations anb Notes on MS. 


Emendation in Te 


At : ruhrkated initial 




\sen : the e added above the line 








to added above the line 


tlire sperle 

sperle : this is the only occa- 
sion on which single 1 is 
crossed, as if it iverejinal 11 

the spe[k]e 


vnlouke : u added above the line ; 
cp. 162, aHfHoke, 68 


lydde blotted and written in the 
same hand in the margin 


botlin : the last letter has a curl, 
as if for final n, irhereas the 
abbreviation is denoted by a 
horizontal line 



clene : MS. glene, tcith g crossed 
out and c written above 


tecche ; the top of the first c has 





\&i euer wos, burghe, boko 

{lat wos, b[rut], bok[e] 






[& })«] 








a vison 






pontificals : fi added above the 





p crossed out before ]>a,t 


vnlouke ; u added above the line 








Emendation in Text. 











Then : tnibricated initial 



no altered from ne 



bode : MS. bone, with d crossed 
out and n tvritten above 


pow tvritten above the line in a 
different hand 





sn lant goste lyfe ; cp. 76 

s[um] lyf[ly] goste lant 


|)is written above the line 


To |)« 






nombre ; cp. 289 



bot : b has been altered from f 




A f)ousande 

|)re hundred] 


an heire of anoye 

o]n eire of an oye[r] 


for ^e gouernoitr & 

for goue>Ti[ance M 








rote : MS. route, with u crossed 










V, ne 

))f«], [m]e 


ne ; e is very smudged, but it is 



Adam : the second a is tvritten 
above the m 


tethe, take, glotte 

te[c]he, t[o]ke, gl[e]tte 


depe : the d is covered by a blot 





b" wete of 

of his] wete 










6 new 

27 aght 

29 ydols 

30 Saxon 
37 new 
40 eggit 
79 J)ei-on 
94 ther 

118 Jjen 

144 fyrst 

174 his 

210 aght 

212 ]>en 

216 gentil 

229 gentil 

232 ri;t 

241 i75t 

242 hert 
257 hert 
261 noght 
264 last 

271 has 

272 best 

273 sayd 
292 \)ev 
301 rijt 
326 in 
328 in 
386 trew 
340 worth 

(B) Suggested Metrical Emendations 

Suggested Original. 







fyrst [e] 







1. [tyme] : MS. sythen. 

14. communnates, commonalties, bodies corporate, communities, 
' communia ' ; see Preface, p. xxix. 
Cristendame : MS. cr/ste?Klerame. 

17. & hade hym in sayntes : /. e. and got in saints for himself. 

18. cheuely: primarily, as a chief preliminary. 

& chargit horn better : and gave them a better function to dis- 
21. p" Synagoge of J)° Sonne: see Preface, p. xvi. 

23. dedifiet : dedicated. 
(?) omit ' hom '. 

24. (?) emend to ' sete', \.e. seat, see. 

28. title is dative ; ' and his name was given to the title of the 
temple ', i. e. bestowed as designation. 
30. (?) Saxone. 
81. Triapolitanes : see Preface, p. xxiii. 

33. of )5is Augustynes art : of the Roman discipline, not the British. 

34. loue : (?) l[e]ue. It is of interest that the phrase ' leeve London ' 
is quoted in EDD. from Richardson's Borderer's Table-hook, 1846. 
Perhaps the correct reading was 'loued', i.e. praised, famed. 

41. Promptorium Farvulofum, grubber in the erthe. 

42. So that the foundation in the first place should hold the foot, 
i. e. be secure. I doubt the correctness of the text, ' ^ fote halde '. 
Probably the poet wrote ' be fote-halde '. If so, ' halde ' would repre- 
sent ON. haldinn, the pp. of halda, to hold, and although ' fot- 
haldinn ' is not recorded, we find ' haldin or^r ', discreet, close, which 
may be adduced in support of this suggestion. 

43. m[u]kkyde : MS. makkj'd. 

44. Troy Booh, 11363, deghit = digged. 

49. The sp8[k]e: MS. thre sperle. I venture to think that the 
scribe, troubled by the word ' speke ', has misread it as ' sperle '. 
The word so far is only recorded in Piers Plowman, B. xv. 270 : 
' Monkes and mendynauntz, men bi hem-selue, 
In spekes and in spelonkes selden speken togideres.' 
' The word speke probably occurs nowhere else as an English word, and 
does not appear in any Glossary, to my knowledge. If it were not 
for the context, it were hard to guess the sense. However, it is clear 
that spelonke is the Lat. speliinca, from which it follows that speke is 
the Lat. specus' (Skeat, Piers Plowman, ii. 223). 

52. roynyshe : this cannot be as NED. glosses it, namely from 
' roin ', scab or scurf, hence paltry, mean, base ; for obviously the mean- 
ing is that the words could not be understood. Cp. runisch sauej, 
Cleanness, 1545; runisch rout, Gawain, 457 ; runischly, Gawain, 304; 



ru[«]ysclily, Gawain, 432. Obviously the sense is 'strange'. The 
variant form ' renisch ' and other reasons make any connexion with 
OE. run. ryne, ME. roun, ON. run, ' rune ', difficult, though attractive. 

53. vigures : this form is generally regarded as a southern Middle 
English variant of ' figure ', and, as in the present passage the v 
alliterates, it might easily be taken as evidence of southern origin. 
But that the form ' vigure ' was not peculiar to the south is evident 
from its occun-ence in so northern a poem as the Cursor Mundi, where 
it is the form recorded in the four chief manuscripts, 1. 2290. 

54. muset : i.e. all were non-plussed to read it. 

64. walon : i. e. walen, betook themselves, chose their way. This 
rare form, the strong pp. of ' wale ', to choose, evidently represents the 
ON. valinn, a strong pp., co-existing with vali¥r and valdr, of velja, 
to choose. The form is found also in such a compound as ON. valin- 
kunnr, respectable. 

68. ' They would look on that coflBn, as to what lay within.' 
73-4. ' Then one might see perplexity on the people there, that 
might not 'understand a strange marvel.' 

74. to-knowe, to discern ; cp. OE. to-cnawan, to discern, under- 
stand ; to-cnawennes, knowledge, but no other instance than the 
present passage seems to occur in ME. Similarly ' for-know ' (in the 
sense of 'to slight') occurs but once in ME., Cleanness, 119. Both 
these compounds are unrecorded in NED. 

75. glode : the bright inside ; C2). Pearl, 79, glem of glodej. 

76. both[um] : MS. bothn. 

83. coyfe : this means a coif. Being a great representative of the 
law, the figure naturally bears in the first instance the lawyer's coif. 

88. 5orde : St. Paul's Churchyard. 

89. MS. hy, i. e. \ijm ; not hyn = in. as Dr. Horstmann prints. 

92. in sounde : in health. 

93. ' For a time they asked each other without any answer ' ; cp. 
Patience, 220, ' Bot al wat^ nedles note '. 

vschon : this form seems to me to be due to, or to stand for, 'ylche on'. 
97. iny[n]de: MS. myde. 

99. hit is a derfe wonder : one would rather expect ' were ' ; it 
were a great wonder unless some person had stated that he had seen 
him, i. e. if there were no wiitten statement to that effect in chronicles 
or the like. 

100. couthe: not in the ordinary sense of 'could', but as a past 
auxiliary ' did ', really used originally for ' gan ', past tense of 
'ginnan'. 'Couthe', though possibly quite correct in the present 
passage, was due to a confusion of ' can ' = ' gan ' with ' can ' in the 
sense of 'be able'. Perhaps the poet wrote 'con' in this passage, 
and the scribe changed it to ' couthe ', the result being the inhar- 
monious repetition of the word here, in 1. 98 (couthelj^) and 1. 101, 
where ' couthe ' is the correct past tense = ' could '. 

101. note : cp. Note on 1. 93. 

nourne: this word, used three times in the poem, is peculiar to 
the Gawain poet, who uses it seven times in Cleanness and Gawain. 



Its origin is unknown ; it is evidently Scandinavian, and the only 
Scandinavian dialect where I have been able to trace it is that of 
SmMand, Sweden. 

102. ' Either by inscription, sign or record, or by story, tradition.' 
Ci). 1. 152, Gaimin, 2521. 

103. patt wos breuyt in b[rut] (MS. \)at euf r wos breuyt in burghs), 
i. e, recorded in the annals or chronicles of the land of Britain. The 
scribe, not understanding 'brut', has written 'burghe'; cp. Paiie- 
ment of the Thre Ages, 407, When the Bruyte in his booke Bretayne it 

bok[e] : MS. boko. 

104. mo[n] : MS. more. 

The force of the line is ' None could say (1. 101) that such a man 
was mentioned '. 

more ne lasse : at all. 

106. bolde : I much doubt the correctness of this word, which looks 
like a scribal change in place of some rare word. Perhaps the poet 
wrote ' beu ' in place of ' beau ', fair. The wonder was that a body so 
long buried was still so life-like. 

107. primate : here used evidently for the Bishop of London ; not 
in the technical sense of ' archbishop '. 

109. [& ^p^] : MS. w/t/i ; ' and the perplexity among the people '. 

116. d[outh]e: MS. dede. 

119. na[i]tyd: MS. nattid. 

121. MS. a vison. ' Avison ' existed in ME. with the accent on the 
first syllable, and this may account for the present spelling. For 
'a-vis[i]on' c]). ' avysyoun ', Pearl, 1184. 

123. []>i] : MS. his. 

135. See Preface. 

154. pat . . . his : whose (an example of the broken relative). 

155. la[i]tid: MS. lattid. 

157. ' If we regard it from the natural point of view, lie has cer- 
tainly not lain here so long as to pass altogether out of memory, un- 
less it were a wonder,' 

161. prouidens : prescience. ' What is marvellous to men amounts 
to little, when weighed with the prescience, &c.' 

163. & his mynde passyde : his mind is overcome. 

168. c[reat]ure : MS. cure. 'When the creature's craft swerves 
entirely from counsel, then it behoves the creature to accept the 
strengthening of the Creator.' 'byhoues' was probably originally 
the Northern form ' bus '. 

169. BO : in this way. 

171. gl[e]w . . . opon : MS. glow ; not ' look upon ', but 'call upon' ; 
cp. Patience, 164, Bot vchon glewed on his god. 

172. careles is of counselle : untrammelled in judgment, other- 
wise 'careles' may mean here 'not niggardly, free ' ; cj). Pearl, 605, 
For be gentyl Cheuentayn is no chyche. 

[vs] : MS. &. 

173 [Anande] : MS. &. 



174. his: probably originally ' hise'. 

176, ' And ready to fulfil your inclination.' 

179. J5[us] : MS. )jou. 

layne : be silent. 

190. bray[)?]ed : MS. brayed: evidently a scribal error. In ON. 
brag^a means ' to give signs of life ', of a new-born babe, of one 
swooning or dying, derived, I tliink. not, as Cleasby says, from 
' braga ', but from ON. brag^, a sudden motion. It = OE. brsegd-, 
ME. braid. ON. bregma, to move swiftly ( = OE. bregdan) appears in 
Middle English in the form ' brayjie ' ; cp. Cleanness, 1421, & brey|)ed 
vppe in-to his brayn. 

192. s[Tiin] lyf[ly] goste lant : MS. snlantgoste lyfe : cp. Gatvain, 
2250, ' Nay, bi God ', quod Gawayn, ' J)at me gost lante '. With ' sn ' 
compare MS. ' bothn ', 1. 76. 

195. pe;^ 

202. That is, 'in respect of sitting in judgment, &c., i.e. sitting in 
judgment at the High Court, I looked after this city'. The nearest 
approach to this use of ' sad ', which seems to be almost technical, as 
applied to the cases of importance that came before the chief magis- 
trate of the city, is perhaps best illustrated by Buchanan's Detection, 
D. i. 6, ' quhilk esteme the sclanderis of maist lewd slicht personis, for 
sad testimoneis ' ; see Jamieson. The form ' sayd ' seems to be 
authentic; 'said' occurs in the Edinburgh MS. of Cursor Mundi, 
1. 234B6, but other MSS. give ' sad '. 

205. l[app]id: MS. lewid. The ^;p was written in Middle English 
in a form that might easily be misread as w; hence ' lappid ' was 
read as ' lawid ', a variant form of ' lewed '. ' To lap ' is first recorded 
in English about 1225, in the compound ' bilappe ' or ' bileppe '. The 
word is connected with ' lap ', meaning a fold or piece of cloth. The 
Wycliffite rendering oiMatt. xxvii. 59 translates inroluit by ' wlappide ' 
in the earlier version, ' lappide ' in the later version, where the w of 
the earlier form is probably due to the influence of the synonymous 
' wrap ', though some regard the Romanic base voliip, vilup of 
' envelope ' as paralleled by the ME. form ' wlappen '. Skeat's view, 
however, is preferable, namely, that the to is due to analogy. But 
'enveloped' would be an excellent rendering of 'lappid', cp. 'hit is 
bilepped and behud', Ancren BiivJe, that is, it is enveloped and hidden. 
The line may therefore be explained as ' it is an enveloped date to tell 
to any man to make a number of. Possibly the text originally ran : 
' hit is a lappid date To muthe, &c.' Vide Preface, \). xxx. 

206. ni[ut]he : MS. meche. The scribe, probably misreading 
' muthe ' as ' muche ', has further transformed the adverb into the 
characteristic form of the poem, ' meche '. The poet's ' muthe ' = 
' mouthe ', to mouth, tell. A similar error is answerable, according 
to my view, for the difficult line in Patience, 54, much jif he me ne 
made = muth jif he me ma[ne]de. 

207. Cp. 42. 

208. [aght] : MS. fife ; see Preface. 

210. [pre hundred]: MS. A jjousande; see Preface. 



211. [o]n eire of an oye[r] : MS. an heire of anoye. This statement 
seems to have been a source of much trouble to all those who have 
attempted to deal with the line. Dr. Horstmann renders it ' heire of 
anoye, ein gefurchteter Herr ', i. e. a terrible man. Dr. Neilson has : 
' oye = grandson, but here ? ' But the meaning is to my mind clear. 
' An heire ' = ' on eire ', /. e. in eyre ; he was Justice in eyre, one of 
the itinerant Justices. ' Anoye ' is a scribal error for ' an oyer '. 
' Oyer ' is from the well-known legal phrase ' oyer et terminer ', to 
hear and determine. Commissions of oyer, or justices of oyer, were 
appointed to hear and determine indictments or special offences, and 
' oyer ' might be used for the Court of Oyer et Determiner. So he was 
the Justice in eyre of an Oyer. 

213. Berynge : the poet probably wrote 'Bren)?yus'. 

227. deputate : c}). Rolland, Couti of Venus, iii. 181, Rhamnusia, 
quhilk was luge deputate, 1560. 

domesmon : cj). 'domes man', Cursor Mundi, 5585, Trinity MS., 
where the other three texts have ' demister '. 

243-4. ' Though it had been the very slayer of my father, I showed 
him no injustice, nor false favour to my father, though it fell him to 
be hanged.' 

248. to bounty : for a reward. 

249. curtest : a correct form of ' curtesest ', most noble. 

251. gouern[anee p^] : MS. \>^ gouernour & ; cp. Alliterative Troy 
Book, 5719, graither of gouernatmce. 

252. [pev]: 

254. p^ kidde kynge : this has the force of a superlative = chiefest. 

255. p[at] : MS. ])er. 

256. rewardid euer rijt, may possibly mean 'reguarded ever jus- 
tice '. On the other hand, the line looks as if it anticipated 1. 275. 

273. say : MS. sayes. 

275. Cp. Ps. Ixii. 12, and Pear], 595. 

278. The reference is evidently to Ps. xxiv. 8-4, ' Who shall ascend 
into the hill of the Lord, or who shall stand in his holy place ? 
He that hath clean hands and a pure heart.' The Latin of the second 
verse, 'innocens manibus et mundo corde', seems rendered by ' Jie 
skilfulle and p vnskathely', though it would give a nearer rendering 
were the words inverted. A more exact rendering of the verse is 
found in Pearl, 681-2. It is of interest to note that the Anglo-Saxon 
prose version translates ' innocens manibus ' by ' J)e unscse^full by^ 
mid his handum '. 

The word ' skelton ' has hitherto proved a crux. NED., noting 
that the word ' skelt ' is ' of obscure origin ', quotes this passage as 
the first of several instances, assigning to it the sense ' to hasten, to 
be diligent '. A number of words of distinct origin are, I think, 
included under this one heading. The present word I take to be 
derived from OF. *esquelete, eschelete ; cp. esquele, mod. F. echelle, 
a ladder. ' Eschellett ', a small ladder, is found in the sixteenth 
century in English. 'Skelt' seems to be equal to ' *esqueleter ', to 
mount the steps of a ladder, and, if so, is an accurate rendering of 



'ascendere ', Vulgate 'ascendet'. Lat. scala, the origin of Fr. echelle, 
is from the same root as * scandere '. The poet probably had in mind 
' scala coeli ', the ladder into heaven. The Psalm does not actually 
make the Lord speak, the Psalmist himself appears to be the speaker. 
But our poet uses 'to me ' advisedly, referring the words to the Lord ; 
for the homilist interpreted the answer as God's own response. The 
author of Pearl distinctly makes this very point, 1. 680. 

* Hymself to onsware he is not dylle ; ' 
see Note on the passage. 

I would differentiate this word ' skelt ' from ' skelten ', Cleanness, 
1554, 'scoleres skelten ))eratte '. This seems to me the weak past of 
'skjalla', or causal 'skella', to clash, hammer, i.e. they cudgelled 
their brains. 

The other quotations under ' skelt ' in NED. with reference to 
skirmish and alarm may be referable, I suggest, to OF. escheleter, 
esqualeter, going back to OF. eschele, a little bell. If so, the phrase 
'skeltyng of harme' in the Destruction of Troy, 11. 1089, 6042, would 
mean a notifying of peril. 

285. plite : not here, as NED. suggests, pledge under risk, i. e. 
OE. pliht, but ' true condition, state of being, existence ', AF. plite. 
The former meaning might be true if the reference were to the 

286. }jte] . MS. Y- 

292. pM, [m]e: MS. )>', ne. 

pi''^ loffynge : praising Thee. Cp. stage direction in Chester Plays, 
xvii (Christ's Descent into Hell) : Et sic Ibunt glorificantes Deuw, 
cantantes ' Te Deuw '. 

293. n[o] : MS. ne. 

297. te[c]he & t[o]ke : MS. tethe & take ; gl[e]tte, MS. glotte. 
' Ye were empoisoned by his sin, and imbibed the corruption.' 

entoucMd: so far as I am aware there is no other occurrence, and 
certainly none recorded in English, of OF. entoschier, entochier, en- 
toucher, with many variant forms = Latin intoxicare, i. e. to poison. 
Entosche, entouche = poison, «. The words are common in OF., 
though lost in Modern French. The collocation of entosche et venim' 
is also found, cp. ' entosche e venim out mesle ' (Ben., D. de Norm., ii. 
36944), and _ ' Male bouche 

Qui envenime et qui entouche 
Tous ceulz dont il fait sa matiere '. 

{Eose, Vat. Chr., 1522, f. 27c.) 
Evidently the poet is thinking of some such combination of ' en- 
toucher et envenimer ', and wrote ' toke in the glette ', /. e. imbibed 
the venom, 'glotte' being a scribal error for 'glette', cp. Cleanness, 
306, \& gore ber-of me hatj greued & be glette nwyed ; also 573-4, jiat 
vn-happen glette, pe venym & {)e vylanye & \& vycios fylJ'C. 

In all probability the scribe, in writing ' take ' for ' toke ', had in 
mind the teeth of the whale as a symbol of death, and wrote ' glotte ' 
with some thought of its being in the sense of swallowing ; cp. Patience, 

25 E 


252, Wi/t/touteu towche of any totlie he tult in his |)rote ; cp. glut, the 
amount swallowed at a gulp. Glette, from OF. glette = slimy fluid, 
purulent matter, pus. 

302. pe depe lake : the deep pit ; a fairly common sense of the 
word in fourteenth-century Biblical English, Lat. lacus has this 
sense in late Latin and in the Vulgate, the idea being a hole or 
reservoir. Lewis and Short refer the Vulgate use in the sense of 
' the place of the dead ' to association with the river Styx, but there 
appears to be no evidence in favour of this view. It should also be 
noted that OF. lac is found for cavern or pit. 

304. This looks like an echo oi Patience, 19-20, 

' pay ar hap^jen also \a.t hungeres after ryjt, 
For |)ay schal frely be refete ful of alle gode.' 

306. Dy[m]ly : MS. djmly. 

307. Hungrie : so MS., not ' hungre '. The MS. might possibly 
even be read ' hungrid '. 

herken after meeles : yearn after meals. This most interesting 
early use of ' hearken ' in the sense of ' scent after ' is familiar to us in 
the modern phrase ' to hark back ', and the dialect expression ' to 
hark after '. Indeed, to hark, in the sense of ' to smell ', is recorded 
in EDD.~' Hark that smell '. Here, the sense seems to be ' to be in 
wait for, to yearn after '. 

312. spakly : quickly, cp. Patience, 338, pat he hyw sput spakly 
vpon spare drye. 

320. daungerde : harmed ; cp. Alliterative Troy Book, 146, no 
daunger nor deire. 

321. [of Ms] wete eghen : MS. ^ wete of eghen. The scribe left 
a small space after ' of, as if he was in some difficulty, and intended 
to make a correction. 

322. [pe] : MS. &. 

328. luxes : lourings, glooms, darknesses ; (?) cp. OE. lurian ; cp. 
Pearl, 358, & \)j luiej of lyjtly leme, and 11. 305-6 above. 

331. slent : splash, sprinkling ; cp. ON. * slent, Norw. slett, from 
*Blenta, ON. sletta, to dash, throw. 

333. weshe vs : evidently pr. pi. It is woi-th suggesting that 
possibly the poet wrote ' weshes of payne ', and that • vs ', which is 
somewhat unexpected, is due to a scribal misreading. 

334. loghe : MS. loghee. 
337. Cp. Cleanness. 

343. moldes:cj9. Pearl, 30, moldejdunne; C/e««?iess,494, A message 
fro })at meyny hem moldej to seche. 

344. rottok : the next recorded occurrence after this in XED. 
is from Jamieson's Popular Ballads, 1806, where it is glossed as ' old 
musty corn, literally, the grubs in a bee-hive ' ; and the Banffshire 
Glossary under ' rottack ', 1867, has ' anything stored up for a long 
time with the idea of mustiness '. 



a, V. an, 

abatyd, p}). demolished, 37 ; OF. 

abbay, 108 ; OF. abbeie. 
a-boute, adi\ 48 ; prep, aboute, 

110; OE. on-butan. 
abyme, pit of hell, 334; OF. 

acounte, reckoning, 209 ; OF. 

Adam, 295. 
adon, adv. down, 322 ; OE. of 

after, adv. 112, 116; prep. 126, 

141 ; according to, by the 

authority of, 195 ; OE. sefter. 
after- warde, 127 ; OE. sefter- 

age, 150 ; OF. aage. 
aghe, n. fear, 234 ; ON. agi. 
aght, (1) pt. 3 s. owned, 27 ; 2 a 

aghtes, 224 ; OE. agan. 
aght (2), eight, 210 ; OE. eahta. 
aghtene, eighteen, 208 ; OE. 

al, odj. tvith sg. 119, 331; alle, 

137, 246 ; tvith pi. 10, 14, 23, 

171 ; ahsol. 310; al, 144; adv. 

75, 122 ; alle, 300 ; OE. eall. 
alder, ancestor, 295 ; OE. ealdor. 
alder-grattyst, greatest of all, 5 ; 

alder-grattest, 337 ; OE. ealra, 

alias, 288 ; OF. a las. 
alowes, pr. 3 s. commends, 267 ; 

OF. alouer. 
als, as, 85, 242 ; as, 4, 36, 344 ; 

OE. eall swa. 
also, 327; OE. eall, swa. 
amounte, inf. reach, 284; OF. 

an, indef. art. 108 ; a, 3 ; OE. an. 

[anande], concerning, 173; OE. 

on efn + -d. 
and, 280 ; &, 2 ; ande, 59 ; OE. 

ansuare (1), «. 127 ; OE. and- 

ansuare (2), imp. s. 184 ; OE. 

any, 85, 206, 284 ; OE. genig. 
Appolyn, 19. 
appulle, 295 ; OE. ajppel. 
araide, pp. 77 ; arayed, 271 ; 

OF. arayer. 
are (1), before, 36 ; OE. ter; ON. 

ar ; cp. er. 
are (2), arne, art, v. be. 
art, school, system, 33 ; OF. art. 
as, V. als. 
aske, j)^'- P^- siibj. 171 ; pt. s. 96 ; 

OE. ascian. 
aspied,^^. s. 65 ; cp. OF. espier. 
assent, n. 66 ; OF. assent, 
at, 1 ; from, 170 ; OE. aet. 
atyride, j^P' ^'obed, 130 ; OF. 

Austyn, Augustine, 12 ; gen. 

Augustynes, 33. 
autere, altar, 137 ; OF. auter. 
auay, inf. instruct, 174 ; OF. 

avei-, stem o/avier. 
a-vis[i]on, vision, 121 ; OF. avi- 

auisyde, pt. pi. studied, 58 ; OF. 

awen, own, 235 ; OE. agen. 
ay, ever, 278, 287, 301 ; ON. ei. 
ay-lastande, eternal, 347 ; ON. 

ei, OE. li«stan. 

bale, sorrow, 257, 340 ; OE. bealu. 
balefully, sorrowfully, 311 ; OE. 
bealufull + -(ly). 



bapteme, baptism, 330 ; OF. 

barones, 142 ; OF. baron, 
basliis, pr. 3 .«. surprises, 261 ; 

OF. esbaiss-, inchoative stem of 

baythes, pr. 3 s. asks, 257 ; ON. 

be, inf. 94; pres. 2 s. art, 185 ; 

3 s. "is, 19, 153 ; pi. arne, 304, 

are, 283 ; imp. s. be, 325 ; pr. 1 s. 

s»7y. 122 ; 3 s. 326 ; jyt. 1 s. was, 

201, 211; 2.S. wos. 288; 3 s. 

11, 31 ; was, 3, 6,255 ; pi. xvere, 

32, 128; i)t. 1 s. snhj. 197 ; 3 s. 

226, 239 ; i^p. bene, 7, 26 ; OE. 

beon ; cp. nas. 
bede, v. bydde. 

bedels, town-criers, 59 ; messen- 
gers, 111; OE. bydel; OF. 

before, ^;¥^. 143 ; cow^. 209 ; OE. 

begynnes, pr. 3 s. 131 ; OE. be- 

behalue, behalf, name, 181; OE. 

be healfe. 
belles, pi. 352 ; OE. belle. 
Belyn, 213. 
beme, tree, cross, 182 ; OE. 

benche, judge's seat, 250 ; OE. 

bende, p)P- bound, 182 ; OE. 

bene, v. be. 
bere, i^t. 3 s. bore, 311, 326 ; OE. 

beryd, pf. i^l. beat, rang, 352; 

ON. berja. 
Berynge, 213. 
\)eaiet,pt.p)l. employed, 56 ; OE. 

best, V. gode. 
besyde, v. by-side. 
bete,^?f. Zpl. beat, 9 ; pp. beten ; 

OE. beatan. 
better, v. gode. 

biddes, v. bydde. 

bi, V. by. 

bigripide, pf. 3 s. begirt, 80 ; 

OE. begripan. 
biknowe, imp. s. confess, 221 ; 

OE. becnawan. 
bileeue, faith, 173 ; bileue, 299 ; 

OE. (ge)leafa. 
bischop, 33, 111 ; bisshop, 193, 

221 ; byschop, 3, 129 ; OE. 

biseche, ?n/". 120; +secan. 
bitan, 2U>- given to, 28 ; be- -I- ON. 

bitw^ene, adr. 196 ; piep. 214 ; 

OE. betweonum. 
blakke, 343 ; OE. blsec. 
blee, colour, 87, 343 ; OE. bleo. 
blessid, pp. 340 ; blissid, 326 ; 

blessyd, consecrated, 3 ; OE. 

blis,340; blisse,345; OE. bllf^s. 
blisful, 326; blisfuUe, 76; OE. 

bll^s + -full. 
blissid, V. blessid. 
bio, dark, 290 ; ON. blar. 
blode, blood, 182, 290 ; OE. blod. 
blonke, horse, literaUy white 

(horse), 112 ; OE. blanca. 
blynne, inf. stop. 111 ; OE. 

blysnande, shining, 87 ; cj). OE. 

bode, bidding, 181 ; boode, 193 ; 

OE. bod. 
boden, r. bydde. 
bode-worde, message, 105 ; OE. 

bod + word. 
body, 76, 94 ; OE. bodig. 
boghe, inf. bow, 194; pt. j)l. 

boghit, went, 59 ; OE. biigan. 
boghtes, p)t. 2 pil. boughtest, 289 ; 

OE. bycgan. 
bok[e], book, 103 ; OE. hoc. 
boldo, adj. 213; (?) great, 106 

{see Note) ; OE. beald. 
bone(l), petition, 194; ON. bon. 
bone (2), murderer, 243 ; OE. bana. 



bone (3), obedient, 181 ; ON. 

buinn, ready. 
bones, bones, 346 ; OE. ban. 
bonkes, shores, borders, 32; ON. 

*banke ; Olcel. bakki. 
boode, i\ bode, 
bordure, edge, 51 ; 2>^- bordures, 

82; OF. bordure. 
bot, conj. 52, 141 ; only, 32 ; if 

not, 100 ; I may not bot, 194; 

hit my3t not be bot, 97 ; OE. 

bote, avail, 170 ; remedy, 327 ; 

OE. bot. 
bothe, 194 ; ON. ba¥ir. 
both[uin], bottom, 76 ; OE.botm. 
bounty, reward, 248 ; OF. bontet. 
bourne, stream, 330 ; OE. burna. 
brawnche, part, share, 276 ; OF. 

bray[}5]ed, pt. 3 s. moved, 190 

(see Note) ; ON. brag^^a. 
Bretaynes, Britain's, 32. 
Breton, Briton, 213; p?. Bretons, 

breuyt, pi^. written, 103 ; ON. 

brefa ; med.L. breviare. 
brode, broad, 55 ; OE. brad, 
broght, V. brynge. 
brothire, 213 ; OE. bro¥or. 
b[rut], chronicle, 103 ; W. brut. 
Brutus, 207. 
bry5t, bright, 51, 87 ; OE. beorht, 

brynge, i)if. 56 ; 2^P- broglit, 

105 ; OE. bringan. 
buggyd, pp. built, 37 ; buggid, 

207 ; ON. byggja, to inhabit. 
burde, pt. impers. it behoved, 

260 ; OE. byrian. 
burgeys, citizens, 59 ; OF. bur- 

burghe, town, 3 ; OE. burh. 
buriet, j^t- pi- buried, 248 ; pp. 

buried, 94 ; buriede, 1U6 ; 
OE. byrgan. 
burynes, tomb, 142. 190; OE. 

buskyd, jj^. Bs. setout, 112; ON. 

busmare, n. insult, 214; OE. 

hj,prep. 66; bi, 90; OE. bl. 
bydde, pr. 1 s. command, 181 ; 

3 ,<?. biddes, 221 ; j^t. 1 s. bede, 

offered, 243 ; S})!. commanded, 

67 ; pp. boden, offered, 214 ; 

OE. beodan, biddan. 
byhoues, 2'''- impers. it behoves, 

168; OE. bihofian. 
byschop, V. bischop. 
by-side, adv. aside, 67 ; prep, be- 

syde, 142 ; OE. be sidan. 
by-tyme, forthwith, 112;, 


ca5t, V. kaghten. 

callid.ij^. 3 s. 16 ; ON. kalla. 

camelyn, a stuff made of camel's 

hair, 82 ; OF. caraelin. 
careles, untrammelled, 172 ; OE. 

carpe, inf. say, 317 ; ON. karpa. 
cast, in/.Bll ; pp. "^eat, 83 ; ON. 

cause, n. 221 ; pi. causes, cases, 

202 ; OF. cause, 
cayser, emperor, 199 ; ON. kei- 

sari ; L. Caesar. 
cenacle, banqueting room, 336; 

OF. cenacle. 
cessyd, pt. 3 s. ceased, 341 ; j)p. 

136 ; OF. cesser. 
chargit, pt. 3 s. commissioned, 

18 ; OF. charger, 
chaungit, p)^- 3 s. 18 ; OF. 

chere, expression, 342 ; OF. 

cheuely, primarily, 18 ; OF. chef 

+ -ly. 

childes, gen. s. 318 ; OE. cild. 
cite, city, 202 ; OF. cite. 
ci&dAen, 249 ; OE. cls^an. 
clansyd, pt. 3 s. cleansed, 16 ; 
OE. clSnsian. 



clene, fair, 82 ; undefiled, 259 ; 
OE. cl«ne. 

clerke, scholar, 55 ; OE.,OF.cierc. 

clos, enclosure, 55 ; OF. clos. 

clothe, cloth, 82 ; fabric of at- 
tire, 148, 263; clothing. 266; 
j}l. clothes, clothes, 259 ; OE. 

cloutes, rags, 259 ; OE. clut. 

cloyster, enclosed place, 140 ; 
OF. cloistre. 

clustrede, fastened together, 
140 ; OE. clyster, a clustei". 

colde, adv. wretchedly, 305 ; OE. 

colour, colour of attire, 148 ; co- 
lours, 263 ; OF. culur. 

comaundit, pt. 3 s. 115; OF. 

conie,^:»f. 3 s. came, 113; pi. corn- 
men, 63 ; OE. cuman. 

comforthe, n. strengthening, 
168, 172 ; OF. cunfort. 

committid, x)p. appointed, 201 ; 
L. committere. 

communnates, commonalties, 
14; OF. comunaute. 

con, in: pi. can, 156 ; pt. 8 s. 
couthe, 100, 249 ; OE. cann. 

confirmynge, ^jr. p. 124 ; OF. 
confermer; L. confirmare. 

confourmyd, p)t. 3 s. regulated, 
242 ; OF. conformer. 

consciens, n, 237 ; OF. con- 

conuertyd, pt. 8 s. converted, 14 ; 
OF. convertir. 

corce, V. cors. 

corners, 71 ; AF. corner ; OF. 

ooron, crown, 88 ; cron, 222 
OF. corona. 

coronyd, ptt. p>l. crowned, 254 
OF. coroner. 

corrupt, adj. 346 ; OF. corrupt 
L. corruptus. 

cors, body, 110 ; coroe, 177 ; OF, 

councele, imp. s. conceal, 184; 

OF. conceler. 
counselle, wisdom, 167, 172; 

AF. counseil. 
courts, court of justice, 249 ; OF. 

couthe, r. con. 
couthely, manifestly, 98 ; OK 

couert, pt. 3 s. covered, 346 ; OF. 

couetise, covetousness, 237 ; OF. 

coyfe, head-covering, lawyer's 

cap, 83 ; OF. coife. 
crafte, skill, 167 ; something skil- 
fully formed, thing made, 346 ; 

OE. crajft. 
crafty, skilfully wrought, 44 ; 

OE. craeftig. 
crakit, pp. uttered, 110; OE. 

creatore, creator, 168; OF. 

c[reat]ure, creature, 168 ; gen. s. 

creatures, 167; OF. creature. 
Crist, 2 ; Criste, 209 ; gen. s. 

Cristes, 16. 
cristen. Christian, 124, 209 ; OE. 

Cristendome, 2 ; Christen- 

dame, 14 ; OE. cristeridom. 
cron, V. coron. 
cronicle, record, 156 ; jj?. oro- 

necles, 44 ; AF. cronicle ; OF. 

crosae, 2 ; ON. ki-oss. 
crowes, crow-bars, 71 ; OE. 

crownes, tonsures, 55 ; AF. 

cry, n. 110; OF. cri. 
cumly, fitting, 82 ; OE. cymllc. 
curtest, most courteous, 249 ; 

OF. curteis. 

dalfe, pt. 3 pi. dug, 45 ; pp. dol- 
uen, buried, 99 ; OE. delfan. 



clampnyd, pj). condemned, 302 ; 

OF. dampner, dananer. 
date, n. 205 ; OF. date. 
daungerde, 2^^- 3 s. subj. dam- 
aged, 320 ; OF. dangerer. 
dawes, pr. 3 s. dawns, 306 ; 2>t' 

3 s. dawid, 27 ; OE. dagian, 
day, 236 ; pJ. dayes, 155 ; dawes 

7 ; OE. dseg. 
day-belle, morning bell, 117 

OE. dteg, belle. 
debonerte, graciousness, 123 

OF. debonairete. 
declynet, jyt. 3 s. deviated, 237 

OF. decliner. 
dede (1), task, duty, 169; OE.dsed 
dede (2j, dead, 225, 320; OE 

dedifie, inf. dedicate, 6 ; ^^. 3 s. 

dedifiet, 23 ; confusion between 

OF. dedier, L. dedicare, and 

OF. edefier, L. sedificare. 
defaute, defect, 148 ; OF. defaute. 
deghed, 2)t. 1 s. died, 246 ; ON. 

dene, dean, 144 ; OF. deien. 
denyed, jH. 3 s. resounded, 246 ; 

depe, adj. deep, 302 ; adv. 45, 99 ; 

OE. deop. 
deputate, deputy, 227 ; L. de- 

dere, dear, 225; precious, 193; 

deere, noble, 23, 123, 144 ; siq). 

derrest, 29 ; OE. deore. 
derfe, extraordinai'y, 99 ; ON. 

djarfr, bold. 
derke, dark, 117, 294 ; OE. deorc. 
derrest, v. dere. 
dethe, 247, 294 ; OE. deajj. 
deuelle, devil, 15 ; deuel, 27 ; 

OE. deofol. 
deuisyt, v. deuyse. 
deuoydes, j;/*. 3 s. expels, 348 ; 

pt. 3 s. deuoydit, withdrew, 

116; OF. devoidier. 
deuyne, pr. 1 pi. subj. conjecture, 

169 ; OF. deviner. 


deuysa, inf. relate, 225 ; pt. 3 s. 

deuisyt, 309 ; deuysit, ar- 
ranged, 144 ; OF. deviser. 
digne, itni). s. vouchsafe, 123 ; OF. 

ditte, pt. Bs. shut, 116; OE. 

dole, part, 6 ; OE. dal. 
doluen, v. dalfe. 
dome, judgment, 236; OE. dom. 
domesmon, judge, 227 ; OE. 

domes, mann. 
Domini, of the Lord, 182. 
don, V. doun. 
doun, down, 320; don, 6, 311 ; 

OE. dun. 
d[outh]e, company, 116 ; OE. 

drawen, pp. pulled, 6 ; OE. 

drede, n. fear, 233; OE. (an)- 

dreme, sound, 191 ; OE. dream, 
drery, doleful, 191 ; OE. dreorig. 
dresse, inf. prepare, 236 ; OF. 

droppyd, pt. 2 s. subj. 320 ; OE. 

dryghtyn, lord, 29 ; OE. dryhten. 
dryues, j?r. 3 s. 191 ; OE. drifan; 

cp. ouer-drofe. 
duke, 227 ; OF. due. 
dul, grief, 246 ; OF. doel, duel, 
dulfully, wretchedly, 302, 309; 

OF. doel + -full + -ly. 
durr, door, 116; OE. duru. 
d-wellide,2}t.pL 10 ; OE. dwellan. 
dwynande, pining, 294 ; OE. 

dyght, 2)f- 3 s. set in order, 23 ; 

dyjt, appointed, 294 ; OE. 

dy^t, 2)t. pi. dug, 45 ; OF. diguer. 
dyuerse, different, 60; OF. divers. 

efte, again, 37 ; OE. eft. 
eggit, pp. edged, 40 ; OE. ecg, n. 


eghe-lyddes, eyelids, 178 ; OE. 

eage, hlid, 
eghen, eyes, 194, 311 ; OE. eage. 
eire, circuit, 211 {see Note) ; OF. 

elles, otherwise, 121 ; OE. elles. 
enbawmyd, 2)p. embalmed, 261, 

265 ; OF. enbauraer. 
enbelicit, pi). adorned, 51 ; OF. 

enbelliss-, inchoative stem, of 

ende, n. 136 ; OE. ende. 
Englonde, 1. 
enjoynyd, 2^P- appointed, 216; 

OF. enjoign-, siem o/enjoindre, 

enprise, renown, 253 ; OF. em- 
en touchid, empoisoned, 297; OF. 

entoucher [see Note). 
er, before, 308 ; ere, 19,118; OE. 

ser ; cj). are (1). 
eres, ears, 90 ; OE. eare. 
Erkenwolde, 4, 33, 108, 118. 
erthe, earth, 45, 196; OE. 

Esex, 108. 

ete, pt. 3 s. ate, 295 ; OE. etau. 
euel, hardly, 276 ; OE. yfele. 
euer, ever, 104, 198 ; always, 230, 

267; for e., 154, 296; OE. 

euermore, 26 ; euer-more, 110 ; 

OE. ffifre, mare, 
exiled, pp. 303 ; OF. exilier. 

face, 89, 323 ; OF. face. 

fader, father, 244, 294 ; gen. s. 

243, 318; OE. feeder, 
faire, 46, 317; OE. feeger. 
faithe, jjy). 124, 173; faythe, 13, 

204; OF. feid. 
faitheles, unbelieving, 287 ; OF. 

feid + -less, 
faitheful, 299 ; OF. feid -f -full, 
fals, treacherous, 231 ; unfair, 

244 ; lOE., OF. fals. 

fastynge, conGrmation, 173 ; OE. 

fauour, favour, 244; OF. favour, 
faylid, 2)t. 3 s. lacked, 287 ; fay- 

lide, passed away, 342 ; OF. 

fayne, desirous, 176; OE. faegen. 
faythe, v. faithe. 
felle, 2}t- 3 s. 323 ; imp>ers. it befel, 

244 ; OE. feallan. 
felonse, fierce, 231 ;(?) OF. felons, 

adj. nom. s. ; cp. NED. 
ferforthe, far, 242 ; OE. feorr, 

ferly (1), n. marvel, 145; OE. 

fiErlic, sudden, 
ferly (2), adv. marvellously, 46 ; 

OE. fserlice. 
fest, feast, 303 ; OF. feste. 
fleshe, 89 ; OE. flSsc. 
flore, level surface, foundation, 

46 ; OE. flor. 
folke,231; OE. folc. 
folwe, pr. 1 s. baptize, 318 ; OE. 

fonte, font, 299 ; OE. font ; Eccles. 

Lat. fontem. 
for, prep. 296, 310 ; conj. 7, 29 ; 

OE. for. 
for-go, inf. 276 ; OE. forgan. 
forthe, adv. 351 ; OE. for}). 
for-)7i, therefore, 279 ; OE. for}>y. 
forwrast, pp. ovei-powered, 220 ; 

OE. for-f wrsestan, to twist. 
fote, base of building, 42 ; OE. 

foiinden, v. fynde. 
fourme, form, 230 ; OF. fourme. 
fourmyt, p>P- formed, in good 

condition, 46 ; OF. fourmer. 
fourty, 230 ; OE. feowertig. 
fre, noble, 318 ; OE. freo. 
freke, man, 287, 323 ; OE. 

frende, friendly, 174; OE.freond, 

freshe, unsullied, 89; OF. fresche, 




fi'eten, r. moght-freten. 
fro, from, 12, 107 ; ON. fra. 
frowarde, refractory, 231 ; ON. 

fra + -ward. 
f^3l, adv. 55, 82 ; fulle, 1, 53 ; OE. 

fulfiUe, jV- 176; OE.fuU-fyllan. 
fulloght, baptism, 299; OE. 

fulsen, imp. s. help, 124 ; cj). OE. 

fnndement, foundation, 42 ; OF. 

fondement ; L. fundamentum. 
furrid, ^j^ B pi. clothed in fur, 

252 ; j}p. furrit, lined with fur, 

81 ; OF. forre, sheath, case. 
fynde, inf. 156 ; i^f- pi- founden, 

43, 46 ; OE. findan. 
f37Tidynge, n. 145 ; OE. findan + 

fyne, pure, 173 ; sjq). fynest, 

most excellent, 252 ; OF. fin. 
fynger, 145, 165 ; OE. finger. 
fyrre, further, 169, 293; OE. 

fyrst, ad). 331 ; adv. 197 ; on f., 

42, 144; on fyrste, 207; OE. 


gargeles, carved ornaments like 

gargoyles, 48 ; OF. gargouille. 
garnysht, JU^- 48 ; OF. garniss-, 

lengiliened stem o/garnir. 
gate, way, 241 ; ON. gata. 
gay, bright, 75 ; brightly dressed, 

134; OF. gai. 
^e6.vid, pp. assembled, 134; OE. 

gefe, V. gyfe. 
gentil (1), heathen, 216; OF. 

gentil ; L. gentilis. 
gentil (2). noble. 229 ; OF. gentil. 
gete, pt. 3 s. induced, 241 ; ON. 

glent, inf. deviate, 241 ; cp. Sw. 

dial, glanta, to slip. 
gl[eltte, venom, 297 [see Note) ; 

OF. glette. 

gl[e]w, pr. 1 pi. subj. call, 171 ; 

OE. gleowian. 
glisnande, glittering, 78; OE. 

glode, bright space, 75 (see Note) ; 

cp. ON. gla"^r, shining, solar- 

gla"b'au. sunset ; OF. glsed, shin- 
ing ; OE. suune gse}) to glade ; 

Orkney dial, glode ; cp. E. glade, 

God, 325, 339 ; Godde, 171, 282 ; 

ge)i. s. Goddes, 316 ; OE. god. 
gode, good. 230 ; adv. wale, 183 ; 

wel, 119; comp. better, 18; 

sup. best, 272; OE. god. 
golde, 75, 248 ; attrib. 51 ; OE. 

goste, 127, 192 ; OE. gast. 
gouem[ance], governing power, 

251 ; OF. gouvernance. 
gowne, 78 ; OF. goune. 
grace, 120, 171 ; OF. grace, 
gracious, 319 ; OF. gracious, 
graunte, n. promise, 126; OF. 

graanter, vb. 
graue, grave, 158 ; OE. graef, dat. 

gray, adj. 48 ; OE. grseg. 
grasrthist, wealthiest, 251 ; ON. 

grete (1), ground, 41 ; OE. 

grete (2), great, 134, 282; OE, 

grette, pt. 3 s. cried, 126; OE, 

gronynge, n. groan, 282 ; OE. 

grounde, foundation, 41 ; OE. 

grubber,digger,41 ;OE.*grybban 

+ -er ; cp. ON. gryfja ; E.Fris. 

grue, whit, 319; (?) OF. gru, 

grain ; v. NED. 
gurden, pt. Bpl. girt, 251; OE. 

gurdille, girdle, 80 ; OE. gyrdel. 

33 F 


gyfe, inf. give, 276 ; pt. 3 s. gefe, 

282 ; OK. giefan. 
gynful, deceitful, 238 ; cp. OF. 

gynge, company, 137 ; OE. 


5ea, yea, 273 ; OE. gea. 

3ee, ye, 170; 30, 175, 297; ace. 

50W, 174 ; OE. ge. 
5einyd, pt. 1 s. ruled, 202 ; OE. 

jepely, recently, 88 ; OE. geap- 

5ere, 2)1. years, 208, 210 ; 3eres, 

11 ; OE. gear, ^;?. 
3et, yet, 44, 148 ; in addition, 210, 

257 ; OE. giet, get. 
jisturday, yesterday, 88 ; OE. 

5ode,p^. 3 s. went, 198 ; OE. gan, 

pt. eode. 
3orde, yard (?) = St. Paul's Church- 
yard, 88 ; OE. geard. 
joskyd, 2)t. 3 s. sobbed, 312 ; OE. 

geocsa, iu ; cp. OE. giscian. 
5our, your, 173, l74 ; OE. eower. 
30W, V. 5ee. 

had, hade, haden, hades, ». 

halde, inf. hold, 42, 166 ; holde, 

232, 249 ; pr. 2 s. haldes, 223 ; 

OE. healdan ; cp. vp-halden. 
halowes, saints, 23 ; OE. halga. 
han, V. haue. 

harde, 40, 288 ; OE. heard, 
harmes, 232; OE. hearm. 
has, r, haue. 

hathel, man, 198; dei-iv. tmknoivn. 
hatte, pt. 3 s. was called, 4, 25 ; 

OE. hatte. 
haue, inf. have, 260 ; pr. 3 s. has, 

296 ; pi. han, 300 ; haue, 155 ; 

pt. 2 s. hades, 224 ; 3 s. had, 7 ; 

hade, 119 ; ^jZ. haden, 8 ; ^j^. 

s. subj. hade, 100 ; pL 88 ; 

OE. habban. 

he, 13 ; dat. hym, 17, 89 ; ace. 

100; OE. he. 
hedde, head, 281 ; OE. heafod. 
heere, pr. 1 s. praise, 339 ; i^p. 

herid, 325 ; OE. herian. 
heghe, «f(/. high, 129, 137; sup. 

heghest, 253 ; adv. heghe, 

223 ; OE. heah. 
heldes, pr. 3 pi. bow, 196 ; x>t. 3 s. 

heldyt, turned away, de^jarted, 

137 ; OE. heldan. 
helle, 196; OE.hel. 
helle-hole, the pit of hell, 291, 

307 ; OE. hel, hoi. 
hemmyd, ^9^. bordered, 78; OE. 

hemm, n. 
hende, gracious, 325 ; near at 

hand, 58 ; OP]. (gejhende. 
Hengyst, gen. s. 7, 
hent, p>t. 1 .'*. received, 232 ; 2 s. 

hentes, took, 291 ; OE. hentan. 
herden, p>t. pi. heard, 310 ; OE. 

hie ran. 
here, adv. 13 ; OE. her. 
herghedes, pt. 2 s. harriedst, 

291 ; OE. hergian. 
herid, v. heere. 
herken, inf. hear, 134 ; yearn 

after, 307 {see Note); OE. 

hert, heart, 242, 257 ; OE. heorte. 
he then, heathen, 7 ; OE. hJB^en. 
hevien, heaven, 166, 196; OE. 

liewe, inf. hew, 40 ; jyp. hewen, 

47 ; OE. heawan. 
hewes, hues, 87 ; OE. heow. 
highide, x>t. pi. hastened, 58 ; 

OE. higian. 
his, 5, 28 ; OE. his. (I), nom. it, 7, 26; ace. 279; 

mm. p)l. 304 ; OE. hit. 
hit (2), its, 309. 
ho, she, 274, 308 ; dat. hyr, 280, 

338 ; ace. 308, 337 ; OE. heo. 
holde, V. halde. 
holy, 4, 127 ; OE. halig. 
horn, V. }jai. 



home, 107 ; OE. bam. 

honde, hand, 84, 223 ; pi. hondes, 

90, 166; OE. hand, 
honde-quile, instant, 64 ; OE. 

honeste, honesty, 253 ; OF. ho- 

hongyt, pp. hanged, 244 ; OE. 

honour, 253 ; OF. honur. 
hope, pr. 1 s. believe, 4 ; OE. 

hor, their, 17, 61 ; OE. heora. 
ho\ire, n. 326 ; pi. houres, pray- 
ers said at the canonical hours, 

119; OF. ure; L. hora. 
how, 258, 283 ; OE. hu. 
hiimmyd, pt. 3 s. murmured, 281 ; 

cp. MHG. hummen; MSwed. 

hum, n. 
himdred, 208 ; hundrid, 58 ; OE. 

hun^ide, p)t. pi. 304; OE. hyn- 

gran, hungor, n. 
hungrie, adj. 307 ; OE. hungrig. 
hurlyd, pt. 3 s. flung, 17 ; cp. LG. 

hyder, hither, 8 ; OE. hider. 
hym, V. lie. 
hyr, V. ho. 

1, 4 ; dat. me, 278 ; ace. 292 ; OE. 

ilke, same, 101, 193 ; ylka ( = 

ilk a), each, 96 ; OE. ilea. 
in (1), prep. 1, 326; inne, 149; 

OE. in. 
in (2), adv. 24 ; OE. inn. 
into, x>yep. 302 ; in-to, 9 ; OE. 

in-with, within, 307; OE. in, 

is, V. be. 

James, 22. 

japes, tricks, 238 ; OF. japper, to 
bark, with sense of OF. gaber, 
to mock ; c}}. ON. gabba. 

Jhesus, 180 ; Jhesii, 22. 
ioly, beautiful, 229 ; OF. joli. 
Jono, Juno, 22. 
ioy, joy, 180,188; OF. joi. 
joyned, 2)p. appointed, 188 ; OF. 

joign-, stem o/joindre; cp. en- 

Jubiter, 22. 

iuge, judge,_216; OF.juge. 
iiigement, judgment, 238 ; OF. 

iuggid, pp. judged, 188 ; iuggit, 

180; OF. jugier. 
justifiet, ^jf. 1 s. administered 

justice in, 229; OF. justifier. 
iustises, justices, 254; OF.justise. 

kaghten, 2'^- ^ pl- took hold, 71 ; 

2)p- cajt, taken, 148 ; ONF. 

keies, keys, 140 ; OE. caeg. 
kene, wise, 254 ; OE. cene^ 
kenely, eagerly, 63 ; OE. cenlice. 
kenne, i)if. know, 124; OE. 

kepten, pt. pi. guarded, kept pri- 
vate, 66 ; pp. kepyd, preserved, 

266 ; lOE, cepan. 
kest, V. cast, 
kidde, p)p. renowned, 222, 254 ; 

kydde, 44 ; k. of Saint Paula, 

called St. Paul's, 113; OE. (ge)- 

kithe, country, 98 ; OE. cy=S«. 
'kno-w,pr. 1 s. 263 ; pt. 3 s. knewe, 

285 ; OE. cnawan ; cp. to- 

knowe, vnknawen. 
knyjt, knight, 199 ; OE. cniht. 
kydde, v. kidde. 
kynde, nature, 157; OE.gecj^nd. 
k3mge, 98, 156; OE. cyning. 
kynned, pt. 3 s. was born, 209 ; 

OE. cennan. 
kynnes, classes, 63; OE. cynn. 
kyrke, church, 113 ; pi. kyrkes, 

16 ; ON. kirkja. 

lacche, inf. get, 316 ; OE. Iseccan. 



laddes, serving-men, 61 ; cp. 

Dan. askeladd, youngest son in 

a fairy-tale, 
lady, 21 ; OE. lilSfdige. 
laftes, pt. 2 s. leftest, 292 ; pi. 

laften, 61 ; OE. Uefan. 
laghe, faith. 34, 203 ; law, 245; 

lawe, 216; pi. laghes, 287; 

lawes, 268 ; OE. lagu. 
laide, r. lay. 
la[i]tid, pp. searched, 155 ; ON. 

lake, 302, pit; OF. lac; L. lacus. 
lant, r. lene. 
l[app]id, involved, 205 {see Note) ; 

OE. lappa, n. 
large, 72 ; OF. large, 
lasse, V. litelle. 
lasshit, 2^^- ^ ^- darted quickly, 

334 ; cp. NED. under ' lash '. 
laBt,i)if. 264, 272 ; p/. 3 s. laatyd, 

215 ; OE. l^stan. 
later, latter, 136; OE. Isetra. 
lathe, ]}>: 3 s. suhj. invite, 308 ; 

OE. la¥ian. 
lauande, jjv. p. flowing, 314 ; OE. 

lawe, V. laghe. 
lay(l), inf. 67 ; pt. pil. laide, 72 ; 

jyp. layde, 149 ; OE. lecgan. 
lay (2), layn, v. lye. 
layne, ?>«^>. s. conceal, 179 ; ON. 

lede, man, 146, 200 ; OE. leod. 
lege, liege ; 1. men, vassals, 224 ; 

OF. lige. 
lely, faithfully, 268 ; OF. leel + 


leme, n. light, 384 ; OE. leoma. 
lene, pr. 3 s. suhj. grant, 315 ; pp. 

lant, 272; lent, 192; OE. 

lengei", t'. longe. 
lengthe, 205 ; OE. leng^u. 
lengyd, pt. 3 s. lay, 68 ; OE. 

lepen, 7;^ jjZ. leapt, 61 ; OE. 


lere, r. lire. 

leste, r. litelle. 

lethe, inf. cease,347 ; eME. le¥, h. 

lettes, 2>''- 3 s. hinders, 165 ; OE. 

lettres, 51, 111 ; OF. let t re. 
leue (1), permission, 316; OE. 

leue (2), inf. believe, 175 ; pr. 

\pl. leuen, 183; 2 pi. leues, 

176; OE.lefan. 
leuyd, V. lyuye. 
librarie, 155 ; F. librairie. 
liehe, body, 314 ; lyche, 146 ; 

OE. lie. 
lidde, 67 ; lydde, 72 ; OE. hlid ; 

cp. eghe-lyddes. 
lies, ligges, r. lye. 
life, 224, 347; lyfe, 150, 315; 

lyue, 236 ; OE. llf. 
lighten, pt. Bpl. fell, 322 ; OE. 

Ii5tly, quickly ; OE. leohtllce. 
Limbo, the abode of the just who 

died before Christ's coming, 

292 ; abl. of L. limbus, border, 
lippes, 91 ; OE. lippa. 
lire, flesh, 149; lere, 95; OE. lira, 
listonde, ^^f. ^j/. listened, 219 ; 

ONorth. lysna. 
litelle, n. 160, 190; odv. 165, 

348 ; comj). adj. lasse, 247 ; adv. 

104, 320 ; sup. adj. leste, 162 ; 

OE. l^tel. 
lo, i7iterj. 146 ; OE. la. 
lodely, horrible, 328 ; OE. labile. 
loSynge, pr. p. praising, 292 ; 2^p- 

louyd, 288, 324 ; ON. lofa ; cp. 

loghe, adv. low, 334; ON. adj. 

lagr; cp. on-loghe. 
loke, i7if. consider, 157 ; exa- 
mine, 68 ; 2)t. Bs. lokyd, looked, 

313 ; OE. locian. 
loken, 2U^' enclosed, 147 ; OE. 

lome, chest, 68, 149; OE. ge- 

loraa, utensil. 



londe, land, 200, 224 ; pi. londes, 

30; OE. land. 
London, 1, 25, 34. 
longe, adj. 1 ; vpon 1., at last, 

175 ; adi\ 95, 157 ; comp. len- 

ger, 179, 319; OE. lang. 
longen, p)^'- pl- pertain. 268 ; cj). 

OE. gelang, dependent on. 
lord, 288, 315 ; lorde, 134, 280 ; 

23Z.lordes,138,146; OE.hlafoid. 
lore, science, 264; OE. lar. 
louse, inf. loose, 165 ; ^jf. 3 s. 

loused, 178; ON. lauss, adj. 
loue, dear, beloved, 34 ; OE. leof ; 

ON. liufr. 
loues, pr. 3 s. loves, 268, 278 ; 

OE. luBan. 
loves, hands, 349 ; ON. lofi. 
louyd, V. loflFynge. 
louynge, verbal n. praising, 349 ; 

ON. lofa, V. ; cp. loflynge. 
lures, lourings, glooms, dark- 
nesses, 328 ; (?) cp. OE. lurian. 
luste, ^^. impers. it pleased, 162; 

OE. lystan. 
lyche, V. liehe. 
lydde, v. lidde. 
lye, inf. 264 ; pv. 2 .«. ligges, 186 ; 

lies, 179 ; 3 s. lyes, 99 ; pt. 3 s. 

lay, 281, 314; lyggid, 76 ; pp. 

layne, 95 ; layn, 147 ; OE. 

lyfe, V. life. 

lyf [ly], living, 192 ; OE. liflic. 
lyftande, pr.p. lifting, 178; ON. 

lyggid, V. lye. 
lyinge, verb. n. 205 ; OE. licgan 

+ -ung. 
lykhame, body, 179; OE. licli- 

lym, limb, 224 ; OE. lim. 
lyue, V. life, 
lyuye, /«/. live, 298 ; 2U^- leuyd, 

328; OE. lifian. 

macers, mace-bearers, 143 ; OF. 

made, v. make. 

maghty, mighty, 27 ; ma^ti, 143 ; 

ma5ty, 283; my3ty, 175; OE. 

meahtig, mihtig. 
Mahon, Mohammed, 20. 
maire, mayor, 65, 143 ; OF. maire. 
make, inf. 206, 238 ; pj). made, 

39, 50 ; makyd, 128 ; OE . raacian. 
maker, 283 ; OE. macian + -er. 
malte, inf. melt, 158 ; OE.meltan. 
manas, threat, 240 ; OF. manace. 
manerly, decorously, 131 ; OF. 

maniere + -ly. 
maners, habits, 60 ; OF. maniere. 
mantel, 81, 250 ; OF. mantel. 
martare, marble, 48, 50 ; OF. 

m.arcialle, marshal, an officer 

who arranged the places of the 

guests at a banquet, 337 ; OF. 

Margrete, 20. 
martilage, necrology, 154 ; med. 

L. martilogium. 
mason, 39 ; OF. masson. 
masse, 129, 131 ; OE. msesse. 
matens, the service preceding 

mass, 128 ; OF. matines. 
matyd, j^P- baffled, 163 ; OF. 

mater ,/;to»? mat, mated at chess, 

Pers. mat. 
Maudelayne, 20. 
may, pr. 3 s. 151 ; j^l- 1"5 ; jj?. 1 s. 

my^t, 316 ; 3 s. 94 ; 2)1. 74 ; OE. 

mayster-mon, chief, ruler, 201 ; 

OE. mtegester ; OF. meister ; 

OE. mann. 
mayster-ton,chief town, 26; OE. 

may strie, power, 234; OF. mais- 

me, V. I. 
meche, much, 220, 350 ; large, 81 ; 

co?«j;. more, greater, 247; more, 

341 ; mo, 210; com}), adv. more, 

104 ; siqi. adv. moste, 269 ; OE. 




mecul, great, 27, 286 ; ON. 

mede, reward, 234 ; medes, good 

deeds, 270 ; OE. med. 
medecjm, reruedj-, 298 ; OF. 

meeles, meals, 307 ; OE. ni;cl. 
mekest, suj). 250 ; ON. mjukr. 
mellyd, 2>P- mingled, 350 ; OF. 

memorie, 158 ; memorial, 44 ; 

OF. memorie. 
men, r. mon. 

mendyd, p2^' 298 ; AF. mender. 
mene, /«/. mean, 54 ; remember, 

151 ; OE. mSnan. 
menske, honour, 337 ; ON. menn- 

menskefiilly, nobly, 50 ; ON 

mennska + -fully. 
menskes, pr. 3 s. honours, 269 

2Jt. 2)1. menskid, 258 ; ON 

mennska, n. 
menyd, pt. pi. lamented, 247 

OE. msenan. 
menyvier, a kind of fur used for 

linings, 81 ; OF. menu vair. 
merciles, deprived of mercy, 300 ; 

OF. merci + -less. 
mercy, 284, 286 ; OF. morci. 
mere, mare, 114; OE. mere. 
meritorie, praiseworthy, 270 ; 

OF. meritoire. 
merkid, pp. marked, 154 ; OE. 

meriiayle, wonder, 43, 158 ; mer- 

uaile, 160 ; OF. merveille. 
m.ery, adj. 39 ; OE. myrige. 
mesehefe, injury, 240 ; OF. mes- 

mesters-mon, craftsman, 60 ; 

OF. mestier; OE. mann. 
mesure, limit, 286 ; OF. 

metely, fitly, 50 ; OE. (gejmaJte 

+ -ly. 
metropol, chief town, 26; OF. 


mette, j)t. 3 s. 337 ; pi. metten, 

114; OE. metan. 
m.eyiiye, retinue, 65 ; OF. meyne. 
m.inistres, attendants, 131 ; OF. 

mo, r. meche. 

m.oder, mother, 325 ; OE. modor. 
moght-freten, moth-eaten, 86 ; 

OE. mo^^e, moh^e, fretan. 
molde, earth, 270; pi. m.olde8, 

343 ; OE. molde. 
mon, 4, 206 ; gen. s. monnes, 163, 

240 ; pi. men, 58,283 ; OE. mann . 
monlokest, most humane, 250 ; 

OE. mann-f-ly. 
mony, many, 11, 153, 220 ; mony 

a, 39, 79 ; mony one, 214 ; OE. 

more, moste, v. meche. 
morowen, morning, 306 ; OE. 

motes, spots, 86 ; OE. mot. 
moulynge, verb. n. mould, 86 ; cp. 

Olcel. mygla. 
mountes, p>''- 3 s. amounts, 160; 

OF. munter. 
movirnynge, n. 350 ; OE. mur- 

mouthe, inf. declare, 54 ; 

m[ut]he, 206 {see Note) ; OE. 

muf), n. 
m[u]kkyd, pt. pi. shovelled, 43 ; 

ON. moka. 
murthe, v. myrthe. 
muset, pt. pi. were at a loss, 54 ; 

OF. muser. 
m[ut]he, r. mouthe. 
my, V. myn. 

mydelle, 80 ; OE. middel. 
my5t(l), might, 163 ; pil. my5tGS, 

162; myghtes,283; OE.miht. 
my5t (2), r. may. 
rctyBty, r. maghty, 175. 
myn, ray, 194, 235 ; my, 123, 330 ; 

OE. min. 
mynde, memorial, 154 ; mental 

powers, 163 ; memory, 151 ; 

my[n]de, 97 ; OE. gemynd. 



mynnyd, pt. 3 s. mentioned, 104 ; 

ON. minua. 
mynnynge, remembrance, 2G9 ; 

ON. minna + -ing. 
mynster, temple, 27 ; cathedral, 

35 ; OE. mynster. 
mynster-dores, the catliedral 

doors, 128 ; OE. duru. 
mynte, jjf. 3 s. pointed out, 145 ; 

OE. myntan. 
myiiyd, pt. p>l- tlug, 43 ; OF. 

myrthe, 350 ; murthe, 335 ; OE. 

myselfe, 300 ; OE. me self, 
myste, pp. 300 ; OE. missan. 
mysterie, n. 125 ; OF. mistere ; 

AF. *misterie. 

na[i]tyd, |;^3. repeated, 119 ; ON. 

neyta, to use. 
nakyde, adj. 89 ; OE. nacod, 
name, 28, 195 ; nome, 152, 318 ; 

pi. nomas, 18 ; OE. nama. 
nas = ne was, 285 ; OE. ne wses ; 

cp. be. 
Nay, 265 ; ON. nei. 
Ne, nor. 104, 218 ; OE. ne. 
neghe, adv. nearly, 119 ; OE.neah, 

neuenyd, pp. named, 25, 195 ; 

ON. nefna. 
neuer, adv. 72, 156 ; OE. nsfre. 
new, adj. 24; adv. anew, 6 ; newe, 

14 ; OE. neowe. 
no, adj. 199, 312 ; adv. 179 ; n[o], 

293 ; OE. nan. 
noble, 38, 227 ; OF. noble. 
no^t, nothing, 56, 208 ; noght, 

101 ; adv. 261 ; nojt, 1 ; not, 

319 ; OE. nowiht. 
noiee, noise, 218 ; noyce, 62 ; 

OF. noise, 
nombre, number, 206, 289 ; OF. 

nome, r. name, 
non, by no means, 157 ; OE. nan, 


none, none, 101 ; non, 289 ; OE. 

nones, nonce, 38 ; for ^pQ n. = for 

}ien ones ; OE. for ^lem, anes. 
not, V. nojt. 
note, labour, 101 ; occupation, 

152 ; piece of work, 38 ; OE. 

notes, 133; OF. note. 
nothyre, v. no)5er. 
notyde, pp. written, 103 ; OF. 

no}7er,neither, 102,152; nothyre, 

199; OE. ne + o¥er. 
nourne, inf. tell, 101, \h2; p)p. 

nournet, adjured, 195 ; origin 

now, 19, 325 ; OE. nu. 
noy, trouble, 289 ; OF. anoi. 
noyce, r. noiee. 
ny3t, night, 119 ; OE. niht. 

of, 19 ; away from, 167 ; OE. of. 
ofte, 135, 232 ; OE. oft. 
o-lofte, V. on-lofte. 
oia.,p>yep. 2, 331 ; at, 42 ; one, in, 

152 ; OE. on. 
one, adj. 156, 319 ; ivith superla- 
tive, 198 ; OE. an. 
ones, once, 352 ; OE. anes. 
one-vnder, underneath, 70 ; OE. 

on + under. 
on-lofte, adv. above, 81 ; prep. 

o-lofte, 49 ; ON. a lopti. 
on-loghe, adv. low, 147 ; OE. on 

+ ON. lagr. 
openly, 90 ; OE. openllce. 
open, open, 128 ; OE. open. 
opon, V. vpon. 
or, V. opev (2). 
ofier (1 ), ad). 346 ; j^row. 93 ; pi. 

othire, 32, 59 ; OE. o¥er. 
o)5er (2), or, 20, 188 ; oJ>ir, 86 ; 

ojjer . . . oJ>er, either ... or, 86 ; 

or, 121 ; OE. o¥¥e ; superseded 

1)1/ eME. o^er as co»j. 
onve, 21, 294; OE. ure. 
ours-selfe, 170 ; OE. ure + self. 



oute, 9, 167 ; owt, 17 ; owte, 
191 ; OE. ut. 

ouer-drofe, pt. 3 s. passed, 117 ; 
OE. oferdiifan. 

oye[r], court of Oyer et Deter- 
miner, 211 {see Note) ; AF. oyer ; 
OF. oir. 

palais, palace, 115 ; OF. palais. 
Paradis, 161 ; OF. paradis. 
parage, uoble lineage, 203 ; OF. 

partyd, i)p. 107 ; OF. partir. 
■ga.sai6.e,x>t. 3 s. 138 ; passyd, 115; 

pi. 351 ; pp. passyde, surpassed, 

163 ; OF. passer. 
Paule, 113; gen. 35. 
payne, torment, 333 ; OF. peine, 
payntyde, pp. 75 ; OF. peindre, 

2)r. 3 s., pp. peint. 
paynym, heathen, 285 ; gen. pi. 

paynymes, 203 ; OF. paienime. 
pepul, people, 10, 296 ; pepulle, 

351 ; OF. pueple. 
perle, pearl, 79 ; OF. perle. 
peruertyd, jH. pi. turned from 

the faith, 10 ; OF. pervertir. 
pes, peace, 115 ; OF. pais. 
Petre, 19. 

picchit, jj^j. set, 79 ; OE. *piccan. 
pinohid, x>t. pi. moved (the lid) 

with levers, 70; OF. pincier; 

ONF. *pinchier; cp. mod. Norm. 

pinch er. 
place, 10, 144 ; OF. place. 
planede, pp. smoothed, 50; OF. 

plantyd, pt. 3 s. 13 ; OE. plantian. 
playn, adj. used as n., level floor 

of the church, 138; OF. plain, 
plied, p)i- V^' Ijetook themselves, 

138 ; OF. (a)plier. 
plite, nature, 285 ; AF. plit, con- 
plyjtles, blameless, 296 ; OE. 

pontificals, episcopal robes, 130 ; 

F. pontifical ; L. pontificalis. 

pope, 12 ; OE. papa. 

porer, poorer, 153 ; OP. povre-f- 

powdere, 344 ; OF. poudre. 
power, 228 ; OF, poer. 
poysned, pp. 296 ; OF. poisonner. 
praysid, pp. 29 ; OF. preisier. 
prece, crowd, 141 ; OF. presse. 
prechyd, pt. 3 s. 13 ; OF. prechier. 
precious, 79 ; OF. precios. 
prelacie, clerical attendants, 107 ; 

AF. prelacie. 
prelate, 130, 138 ; OF. prelat. 
prestly, speedily, 130 ; OF. prest ; 

cj). vnpreste. 
primate, bishop, 107 ; OF. primat. 
prince, 161, 203 ; OF. prince, 
prises, levers, 70 ; OF. prise. _ 
procession, 351 ; OF. lorocession. 
prouidens, providence, 161 ; OF. 

psalmyde,^)^j. written in the form 

of psalms ; OE. psealm ; L. 

pure, 13 ; OF. pur. 
putten, ])t. 2, 2)1- put, 70; pip- 

putte, 153, 228 ; lOE. putian. 
pyne, punishment, 188 ; trouble, 

141 ; ip. OE. pinian, to tor- 
ment ; L. poena. 

quat, rel. ptvn. what, 68, 94 ; 
interr. 301 ; OE. hwist. 

quajmt, elaborate, 133 ; OF. 
cointe ; cp. quontyse. 

quen, when, 65,291; OJl.hwsenne. 

queme, pleasing, 133; OE. gec- 

quere (1), choir, 133 ; OF. cuer. 

quere (2), where, 274, 279; OE. 

questis, bursts of song, 133; 
literally, cry of hunting dogs 
when in sight of game ; OF. 

que]?er, whether, 188 ; neverthe- 
less, 153; OE. hwe^ere^ 

qull, while, 217 ; OE. hwil, n. 



quile, time, 105 ; OE. hwll. 
quontyse, marvel, 74 ; OF. coin- 

tise, cp. quaynt. 
quojj, pt. 3 .<^. said, 146, 265 ; OE. 

quy, why, 186, 222 ; OE. hwy. _ 
qwojwho, 185; quo, 197; OE.hwa. 

radly, quickly, 62 ; OE. hrasdlice. 
ra3t, pt. 3 s. gave, 280, 838 ; pi. 

raglit, 256 ; OE. rsecan. 
rattes, rags, 260 ; derivation ttn- 

rayked, ^^. 3 s. went, 139; ON. 

reame, realm, 11, 135 ; OF. 

rede, red, 91 ; OE. read, 
redeles, destitute of counsel, 164 ; 

OE. r^dleas. 
redes, pr. 3 s. governs ; OE. 

redy, expert, 245; OE. (ge)rsede 


refetyd, p>p. refreshed, 304 ; OF. 

regne, kingdom, 212 : OF. regne. 
regnyd,_2J^. 3 s. reigned, 151 ; OF. 

reken, upright, 245 ; rekenest, 

noblest, 135 ; OE. recen. 
relefe, relief, 328 ; OF. relief, 
remewit, pt. 1 s. deviated, 235 ; 

OF. remuer. 
renaide, x>P' apostate, 11 ; OF. 

reneier, to renounce, 
renke, man, 239 ; pi. renkes, 271 ; 

OE. rinc. 
repairen, pr. pi. go, 135 ; OF. 

reson, reason, 267 ; by r. niyn 

awen, by my own will, 235 ; 

resones, sentences, 52 ; OF. 

restorment, restoration, 280 ; 

OF. restorement. 
reule, inf. rule, 231 ; pt. 3 s. 

rewlit, 212 ; OF. reuler. 

reuele, inf. reveal, 121 ; OF. 

reuerens, respect, 239 ; reue- 

rence, 338 ; OF. reverence, 
reuestid, pp. robed, 139 ; OF. 

rewardes, py. 3 s. rewards, 275 ; 

pt. 1 s. rewardid, regarded, 

256; ONF. rewarder. 
rialle, royal, 77 ; OF. rial. 
riche, wealthy, 239 ; noble, 77, 

212, 267 ; adv. 139 ; OE. rice, 
richely, 304 ; OE. rTce + -ly. 
ri5t(l), justice, 271 ; right, 304; 

ry5t, 272 ; pi. rijtes, 269 ; OE. 

rijt (2), adv. rightly, 256 ; ryjt, 

just, 332 ; OE. riht. 
rises, ^jr. 3 s. 344 ; OE. lisan. 
rode (1), rood, 290 ; OE. rod. 
rode (2), red colour, 91 ; OE. rudu. 
ronge, v. ryngande. 
ronke, numerous, 11, 262; abun- 
dant, 91 ; OE. ranc. 
ronnen, pt. pi. ran, 62 ; OE. 

rose, n. 91 ; OE. rose. 
rote, n. rot, 262 ; ON. rot. 
roten, rotten, 344 ; ON. rotinn. 
voti6.,pp. rotted, 260 ; OE. rotian. 
rottok, a decayed thing, 344 {see 

Note) ; derivation nnhnoicn. 
route, crowd, 62 ; OF. route, 
routhe, pity, 240; OE. hreow + 

row, 52 ; OE. raw. 
rownie, place, 338 ; OE. rum. 
roynyshe, strange, uncouth, 52 

[see Note). 
ryjt, V. rijt. 
ry5twis, righteous, 245 ; OE. 

ryne, inf. touch, 262 ; OE. hrinan. 
ryngande, pr. p. resounding, 62 ; 

pt. Ss. ronge, rang, 117; OE. 



sacrifices, 30 ; OF. sacrifice. 



sacryd, 2U^- consecrated, 3 ; 

sacrid, 159 ; OF. sacrer. 
sadde, grave, 324 ; OE. saed. 
sake, 239 ; OE. sacu. 
same, 204 ; ON. same, 
Sandewiche, 12. 
Sathanas, 24; OF. Sathanas ; L. 

saule, V. soule. 
Sauyoure, Saviour, 324 ; OF. 

sawe, speech, 184 ; OE. sagu. 
Saxon, adj. 30 ; n. p?. Saxones, 

8 ; (jen. 24. 
say, inf. 100 ; imp. s. 279 ; pr. 2 s. 

says, 159; 3 s. 277; pt. 3 s.; 

sayd, 273 ; sayde, 122 ; pj). 136, 

189 ; OE. secgan. 
sayd, weighty, important, 202 ; 

OE. seed, 
saynt, 4, 113;^;?. sayntes, 17; 

OF. saint. 
sayntuare, holy place, 66 ; OF. 

schedde, v. sheddes. 
schewyde, v. shewid. 
se, inf. see, 293 ; ^jr. j^^- 170 ; 3 s. 

stihj. 308 ; P2}. sene, 100 ; OE. 

seche, i»f. seek, 170 ; explore, 41 ; 

OE. secan. 
sege, n. see, 35 ; OF. sege. 
segge, man, 159, 189 ; OE. secg. 
sale, bliss, 279 ; OE. s^l. 
selfe, 197 ; OE. self. 
semely, fitting, noble, 84 ; adv. 

semely, 35 ; ON. saimiligr. 
semes, jj;*. 3 s. seems, 98 ; ON. 

sonde, inf. 172 ; j;/. 3s. Ill ; 2^P- 

8, 12 ; OE. sendan. 
sene, v. se. 
septre, sceptre, 223, 256 ; sep- 

ture, 84 ; OF. sceptre. 
Ser, sir, 108, 213 ; OF. sire, 
seruice, 136 ; OF. service, 
aeruyd, 2^P- deserved, 275; aphetic 

form of OF. deservir. 

sesyd, established, 345 ; OF. seisir. 
sette,^ji^j.232; sett, 84; appointed, 

dedicated, 21, 24; OE. settan. 
seuen, seven, 155 ; OE. seofon. 
sewide, pt. 3 s. followed, 204 ; 

OF. suir. 
sextene, sexton, 66; F. sacristain. 
shal, pr. 1 s. 174 ; 3 s. shalle, 347 ; 

pt. 3 s. shulde, 54, 255 ; shvild, 

42 ; OE. sceal. 
shapen, v. shope, 
sheddes, ^j<. 2s. 328; 3s. sehedde, 

182 ; OE. sceadan. 
shewid, ^^. ^L appeared, 90; pp. 

schewyde, shown, 180; OE. 

shope, j^<. 3s. prepared, 129 ; pp. 

shapen, made, 88; OE.scieppan. 
shuld, V. shal. 
sike, inf. sigh, 305 ; pt. 3 s. syked, 

323 ; pp. 189 ; OE. sican. 
sithen, since, 185 ; sythen, 180 ; 

after, 2 ; longe sythen, long 

ago, 260 ; OE. si«¥an. 
sitte, inf. 305 ; sytte vpon, pre- 
side over, 202 ; pr. 3 s. sittes, 

293; syttes, 35; OE. sittan. 
skelton, pr. pi. ascend, 278 ; 

see Note. 
skilfulle, following reason, right- 
eous, 278; ON. skil + -full. 
slekkyd, pt. 3 s. allayed, 331 ; 

Norw. slekkja ; OE, sleccan. 
slent, sprinkling, 331 ; ON. sletta, 

to dash ; Sw. slinta, to slip, 
alepe, sleep, 92 ; OE, sliep. 
slippide,2>i3. 92 ; cp. MLG. slippen. 
sloAe,2)t. 3 s. fell, 331 ; OE. slTdan. 
so, 23, 303 ; OE, swa, 
sodanly, suddenly, 92 ; sodenly, 

342; OF. soudain + -ly. 
solemply, with due ceremony, 

129, 336 ; OF. solempne + -ly. 
solempne, sacred, 303 ; sup. 

solempnest, religiously most 

important, 30 ; OF. solempne. 
sone, soon, 345 ; forthwith, 72 ; 

OE. sona. 



songen, v. synge. 

Sonne, snn, 21 ; OE. sunna. 

soper, supper, 303, 332 ; OF. 

sorow, 305 ; sorowe, 309, 327 ; 

OE. sorg. 
sothe, adj. true, 277 ; n. truth, 

170, 197; sofie, 159; OE. so{), 
soule, 279, 328 ; savile, 273 ; OE. 

somij^i.souiid, voice, 324; sowne, 

341 ; AF. soun ; OF. son. 
sounde, health, 92 ; OE. gesund, 

soupen, pr. pi. sup, 336 ; OF. 

souerayn,lord, 120 ; OF. sovcrain. 
sowne, V. soun. 
space, 93, 312 ; OF, espace. 
spake, V. speke. 
spakly, continuously, 312 ; 

quickly, 335 ; ON. spakliga. 
speche, 152 ; OE. spraac ;' lOE. 


spede, profit, 132 ; OE. sped, 
spedeles, unavailing, 93 ; OE. 

sped + -less. 
speke, inf. 312; pt. 3 s. spake, 

217; OE. sprecan ; lOE. specan. 
spe[k]e, a canopied tomb, 49 {see 

Note) ; L. specus. 
spelunke, cofBn, 49, 217; OF. 

spelunque ; L. spelunca, cave. 
spiritus, spirit, 132. 
spradde, 2}f- 3 s. oisened out, 49 ; 

OE. spriedan. 
sprange, ^j^. 3 s. 217 ; OE. 

sprent, pt. 3 s. sprang, 335 ; ON. 

*si5renta, spretta. 
spyr, inf. ask, 93 ; OE. spyrian. 
spyrit, 335 ; AF. spirit ; OF. 

stablyde, pjy. established, 2 ; 

stablid, 274 ; OF. establir. 
stadde, jW- placed, 274 ; ON. 

BtUle, 219; OE. stille. 

ston, stone, 47, 219 ; ^)7. stones, 

40 ; OE. Stan. 
stondes, pi: 3 s. stands, 164 ; p>t. 

pi. stoden, 52, 219 ; pt. 3 s. suhj. 

stode, 97 ; OE. standan. 
stoundes, hours, 288 ; OE. stund. 
strange, 74 ; OF. estrange. 
stre5t, strictly, 274 ; OE. streht, 

pp. o/streccan, to stretch. 
suehe, suche a, 97, 146 ; pi. 

suehe, 178 ; OE. swylc. 
sufFride, ;p^. 3 s. suffered, 2 ; OF. 

summe, some, 100, 276 ; OE. sum. 
sutile, subtle, 132 ; OF. soutil. 
swarues, pr. 3 s. swerves, 167; 

OE. sweorfan. 
swete, 120, 342 ; OE. swete. 
svvyndid, j)t- 3 s. vanished, 342 ; 

OE. swindan. 
syked, v. sike. 

sjmagoge, 21 ; OF. sinagoge. 
synge, m/. 129 ; pp. songen, 128 ; 

OE. singan. 
sythen, v. sithen. 
sytte, i\ sitte. 

table, 332 ; OF. table ; OE. 

take, inf. accept, 168 ; x>f- 3 s. 

toke, took, 313 ; p)^- token, 

took their v^ay, 57 ; t[o]ke in, 

svt^allowed, 297 ; ON. taka, 
tale, 102, 109; OE. talu. 
talent, desire, 176 ; OF. talent, 
talkes, pr. 3 s. 177; cp. EFris. 

tecche, blemish, 85 ; te[e]he, 

fault, 297 ; OF. teche. 
teches, p)>'- 3 s. 34 ; OE. tajcan. 
telle, inf. 114 ; pt. 1 s. tolde, 36 ; 

pi. tolden, 109 ; pp. tolde of, 

called, 31 ; OE. tellan. 
temple, 5, 28 ; pi. temples, 15 ; 

OE. tempi ; OF. tcniple. 
tevayA, pt. pi. belonged, 15; OE. 

tene, woe, 331 ; OE. teona. 



teres, |;?. tears, 314, 322 ; OE.tear. 
thar,;;r. 3 s. dare, 262 ; OE. j^earf. 
the, V. p^, )7ou. 
thence, pr. 1 s. intend, 224; OE. 

ther, V. Jjer. 
thi, V. )5in. 
this, V. f>is. 

thrid, third, 31 ; OE. J)ridda. 
thurghe, r. jjurghe. 
threnen, three times, 210 ; cjj 

ON. Jjrennr. 
throghe, coffin, 47 ; OE. I^ruh. 
thryuandly, excellentl3s47; ON 

))rifask, to thrive, 
thykke, 47 ; OE. ^icce, 
th.ynkeB,p>:impi'i-s. it seems, 259 

OE. )))'ncan. 
tille, until, 1-36; til, 12, 313 

ON. til. 
tithynges, tidings, 57 ; ON 

title, 28; inscription,102;OF.title 
to, 6, 15 ; OE. to. 
to-geder, 228, 350; OE. t_ogffidere 
token, sign, 102; OE. tacn. 
t[o]ke, token, r. take, 
to-knowe, inf. understand, 74 ; 

OE. tocnawan ; cj). know, vn- 

tolde, r. telle, 
toles, tools, 40 ; OE. tol. 
tome, interval, 313 ; ON. torn. 
ton, V. toun. 
to-rent, 2>P- shattered, 164 ; OE. 

toumbe, tomb, 4G, 313 ; AF. 

tumbe ; OP. tombe. 
toumbe-wonder, marvel of the 

tomb, 57 ; AF. tumbe ; OE. 

toun, town, 229 ; ton, 5, 57 ; OE. 

towarde, in comparison -with, 

161 ; OE. toweard. 
trew, true, 336 ; OE. treow. 
Triapolitan, 36 ; Triapolitanes, 

31 ; cp. Preface, p. xxiii. 

trillyd, trickled, 322 ; cp. Dan. 

trille, Sw. trilla. 
Troie, 25, 211, 251 ; Troye, 2-55. 
tronyd, 2)p- enthroned, 255 ; OF. 

trone, h. 
troubulle, unrest, 109; OF.truble. 
trouthe, 13, 184 ; OE. treow}). 
trowid, pt. 3 s. believed, 204 ; pi. 

255 ; OE. truwian. 
tulkes, men, 109 ; ON. tulkr. 
turne3,2)n3s. 177 ;, 

changed, 15 ; OE. turnian ; OF. 

twayne, two, 32 ; OE. twegen. 
two, 91 ; OE. twa. 
tyme, 5, 284 ; OE. tima. 

)?aghe, though, 122, 243 ; bof,320 

OE. t>ah. 
Jjai, they, 9, 43; dat. horn, 260 

ace. 53, 232 ; ON. ]>eiv. 
]7at, adj. dem. 3 ; pron. dent. 69 

300 ; 2^>'on. rel. 10 ; that which 

19; OE. ¥a3t. 
J5e, def. cn-t. 5 ; the, 34 ; lOE. ¥e 
}?en (1), then, 11,118; OE. ¥a3nne 
}3en (2), than, 270 ; OE. )j88nne. 
J)er, adv. dem. there, 39, 138 

ther, 3, 94 ; pron . rel. ber, where, 

53,306,314; OE. =S«r. 
fjer-after, 189 ; OE. «sr a3fter._ 
jjere-as, where, 167 ; OE, ?ser, 

eall swa. 
J7erinne, 27 ; OE. ^aerinne. 
J?erof, 339 ; OE. =gaer of. 
j5er-on, 79 ; OE. ?a;ron. 
Jjer-oute, 291 ; OE. =S^rut. 
ber-tille, thereto, 69; OE. ^Sr; 

ON. til. 
j5er-to, 59 ; OE. =Sserto. 
)jes, V. Jjis. 
J>i, r. )7in. 

Jjider, thither, 58, 135 ; OE. ¥ider. 
J)iderwarde, 112 ; OE. ¥ider- 

Jjiderwardes, 61 ; OE. ^ider- 

weard + -es. 



bin, thy, 330 ; p\ 2S4 ; thi, 283, 

290 ; OE. =Sin. 
bis, 33 : this, 11 ; pi. pea, 317 ; 

OE. =?is. 
Jji-selwen, thyself, 185 ; OE. ^e 

Jjof, V. jjaghe. 
bou, 159 ; )50W, 186 ; daf. the, 

276;acr. 326; I?^, 318; OE. ^u. 
Jjousande, 210 ; OE. busend. 
[pre], three, 210 ; OE. breo. 
f)ritty, thirty, 210 ; OE. pvltig. 
Jjxirghe, by means of, 192 ; 

thurghe, through, 123 ; OE. 

Jjus, 96, 186 ; OE. =Sus. 

vehe, each, 204; vehe a, 275, 

348 ; OE. ylc ; cp. vschon. 
vghten, dawn, 118 ; OE. on 

vnchaungit, 95 ; un- + OF. 

vnelosid, pt. pi. 140; un- + OF. 

clos-. stem o/clore. 
vnder, 203, 227 ; OE. under, 
vnhapnest, most unfortunate, 

198; un- + ON. heppinn. 
vnknawen, unknown, 147 ; un- 

+ 0E. cnawen ; cp. know, to- 

vnloxike, inf. unlock, 67, 162; 

OE. unlucan. 
vnpreste, dull, ignorant, 285; 

un- + OF. prest ; cp. prestly. 
vnsajt, warlike, 8; un- + 10E. 

vnskathely, innocent, 278 ; un- 

+ 0N. ska%e, harm-l--ly. 
vnsparid, unstinted, 335; un- + 

OE. sparian. 
vnwemmyd, unspotted, 96, 266 ; 

OE. unwemmed. 
vnworthi, 122 ; un--fOE.wyr¥ig. 
vp, fl'/r. 118; OE. up. 
vp-halden, pp. uplifted, 349 ; 

OE. up healdan. 

vpon, 290, 317 ; vpon longe, at 

length, 175; opon, 76, 125; 

opon slepe, 92 ; OE. uppe on. 
vs, r. we. 
vschon, each one, 93 ; OE. ylc 

an ; cp. vehe. 
vsen, p>: Bpl. practise, 270; pt. 

2 s. vsyt, 187 ; 3s. 200; OF. user. 

vayles, pr. Bs. avails, 348; OF. 

vaill-, stem o/valoir. 
vayne-glorie, 348 ; cp. OF. vaine 

verray.true, plain, 53 ; OF. verai. 
verrayly, trulv, 174 ; OF. verai 

+ -ly. 
vertue, 286 ; pi. vertues, 174 ; 

OF. vertu. 
vigures, characters, 53 ; OF. 

visite, inf. make a visitation at, 

108 ; OF. visiter. 
vouche-safe, inf. 121 ; OF. 

voucher, sauf. 

waggyd,^j^. 3 s. shook, 281 ; cp. 

MS wed. wagga. 
wakenyd,^;?. 3 s. arose, 218 ; OE. 

wale, choice, to w.,in abundance, 

73 ; ON. val. 
Wales, 9. 
walon, p2). collected, 64 ; cp. ON. 

valinn, ^j^. o/velja. 
wan, pt. pi. won, 301 ; OE. 

warpyd,^^. 3 s. uttered, 321 ; ON. 

was, V. he. 

water, 316, 333; OE. waster, 
we, 301 ; dat. vs. 294 ; ace. 333 ; 

OE. we. 
wede, clothing, 96 ; j^l- wedes, 

77, 85 ; OE. wied. 
weghe, man, 96 ; pi. wehes, 73 ; 

OE. wiga. 
weldes, pr. 3 s. rules, 161 ; OE. 




wele(l), prospeiitj^ 233; OE. 

wele (2), wel, v. gode. 
wele-dede, good conduct, 301 ; 

OE. weldi^d. 
wemles, spotless, 8-5 ; OE. wem- 

raan, v. 
wenten, pt. ]^J. 69 ; OE. wcndan. 
wepande, ^jr. p. 122 ; ^;^ j)/. 

wepid, 220 ; wepyd, 310 ; OE. 

•were, v. be. 
■wares, pr. 2 s. wearest, 222 ; OE. 

■werke, work, 38 ; OE. weorc. 
werke-men, pi. 69 ; OE. weorc- 

werpe, pt. 2 s. utteredst, 329 ; 

OE. weorpan. 
werre, war, 215 ; OF. we ire, 

weshe, ^^r. jyl. wash, 333 ; OE. 

wete, wet, 321 ; OE. wSt. 
wille, 7J. 226; OE. willa. 
wise, manner, 77, 132 ; OE. wTsa. 
witere, im]). s. inform ; 185 ; ON. 

with, 40, 79 ; wyt, 165, 341 ; OE. 

with-tn, 2)?'ejt). 64; withinne, 

252 ; adv. 68 ; OE. wi¥-innan. 
with-outen, prep. 85 ; OE. wi^- 

wolde, pt. pi. would, 68 ; OE. 

will an, 
wonder, marvel, 73, 99 ; OE. 

wondres, pr. pi. wonder, 125 ; 

OE. wundrian. 

wonnes, 2»'- 3 s. dwells, 279 ; OE. 

wontyd, pt. 3 s. lacked, 208 ; ON. 

worde, word, 218, 321 ; ^J?. 

wordes, 56, 178; OE. word, 
worlde, 64, 186 ; OE. woruld. 
wormes, 262 ; OE. wyrm ; cp. 

ON. ormr. 
worthe, inf. happen, 258 ; imp. s. 

become, 340; 2W- worthyn, 

330 ; OE. weorpan. 
wos, V. be. 
wost, 2>f'. 2 s. knowest, 183 ; j)Z. 

wot, 185 ; OE. witan. 
wothe, danger, 233 ; ON. va^i. 
wrakeful, cruel, 215 ; OE. wracu 

+ -full. 
wrange, adj. wrong, 236 ; ON. 

*wrangr ; Icel. rangr. 
wranges, wrongs, 243 ; ON. 

*wrangr ; Icel. rangr. 
wrathe, anger, 215, 233 ; OE. 

writtes, writings, 277 ; OE. writ, 
wroght, V. wyrke. 
wyjt, brisk, 69 ; ON. vigr, neat. 

wynter, p/. years, 230 ; OE. 

W3T:'ke, inf. work, 39 ; ^j/. 2 s. 

wro^tes, 274 ; ;;?. wroghtyn, 

301; 2)p. wroght, 226; OE. 

wyt, V. with, 
wyterly, surely, 183; ON.vitrliga. 

ydols, 2^1- 17, 29 ; OF. idole. 

ylka, t: ilka. 

yrne, iron, 71 ; OE. iren. 








Quidam quoque de nostris dicunt narratum a Romanis Sancti 
Gregorii lacrimis, animam Traiani imperatoris refrigeratam vel 
baptizatam, quod est dictu mirabile et auditu. Quod autem eum 
dicimus baptizatum, neminem moveat ; nemo enim sine baptismo 
Deum videbit unquam. Cuius tertium genus est lacrime. Nam die 
quadam transiens per forum Traianum, quod ab eo opere mirifico 
constructum dicunt, illud considerans repperit opus tam elemosi- 
narium eum fecisse paganum, ut Christiani plus quam pagani esse 
posse videretur. Fertur namque contra bostes exercitum ducens 
propere pugnaturus, unius ad eum voce vidue misericorditer mollitus, 
substetisse totius imperator orbis. Ait enim ilia : Domne Traiane, 
hie sunt homines qui fiUuni meum occiderunt,^ nolentes mihi rationem 
reddere. Cui, cum rediero, inquit, dicito mihi, et faciam eos tibi rationem 
7-eddere. At ilia : Domine, ait, si inde non venies, nemo me adiuvet. 
Tunc iam concite reos, in eam fecit coram se in armis suis subaratam 
ei pecuniam componere quern ^ debuerunt.'^ Hoc igitur sanctus in- 
veniens Gregorius, id esse agnovit quod legimus ; ludicare pupillo et 
defendite viduam et venite et arguite me dicit Dominus.^ Unde per eum 
quem in se babuit Cbristum loquentem ad refrigerium anime eius 
quid implendo nesciebat, ingrediens ad sanctum Petrum solita direxit 
lacrimarum fluenta, usque, dum promeruit sibi divinitus revelatum 
fuisse exauditum, atque ut numquam de altero illud presumpsisset 
pagan 0. 

[A Life of Pope St. Gregory the Great, written hg a monk of the 
monastery of JVJiithy, Francis Aidan Gasquet, D.D., 1904, pp. 38, 39.) 

1 Sic. "^ The accent is marked in the MS. 

' Isai. i. 16, 17 ludicale pupillo, d^endiie viduam, et venite et arguite me, dicit 

49 H 



DANTE: (a) Purg. x. 73-96 

Quivi era storiata I'alta gloria 

Del roman principato, il cui valore 
Mosse Gregorio alia sua gran vittoria: 

lo dico di Traiano imperadore ; 
Ed una vedovella gli era al freno, 
Di lagrime atteggiata e di dolore. 

Intorno a lui parea calcato e pieno 
Di cavalieri, e Taquile nelT oro 
Sopr' esso in vista al vento si movieno. 

La miserella intra tutti costoro 

Parea dicer : ' Signer, fammi vendetta 

Di mio figliuol ch'e morto, ond'io m'accoro.' 

Ed egli a lei rispondere : ' Ora aspetta 

Tanto ch' io torni.' E quella : ' Signer mio,' 
Come persona in cui dolor s'affretta, 

' Se tu non torni ? ' Ed ei : ' Chi fia dov io 
La ti fara.' E quella : ' L' altrui bene 
A te Che fia, se il tuo metti in obblio ? ' 

Ond' egli : ' Or ti conforta, che conviene 
Ch' io solva il mio dovere, anzi ch' io mova : 
Giustizia vuole, e pieta mi ritiene.' 

Colui, cbe mai non vide cosa nuova, 
Produsse esto visibile parlare, 
Novello a noi, perche qui non si trova. 

(b) Par. XX. 43-8 

Dei cinque che mi fan cerchio per ciglio, 
Colui die pill al becco mi s'accosta, 
La vedovella console del figlio. 

Ora conosce quanto caro costa 
Non seguir Cristo, per 1' esperienza 
Di questa dolce vita, e dell' opposta. 



(c) Par. xs. 106-17 

Che r una dello Inferno, u' non si riecle 

Giammai a buon voler, torno all'ossa, 

E cio di viva speme fu mercede ; 
Di viva speme, che mise la possa 

Ne'preghi fatti a Dio per suscitarla, 

Si clie potesse sua voglia esser mossa. 
L' anima gloriosa onde si parla, 

Tornata nella carne, in clie fu poco, 

Credette in Lui che poteva aiutarla ; 
E credendo s' accese in tanto foco 

Di vero amor, cli'alla morte seconda 

Fu degna di venire a questo gioco. 

(Dante, ed. Dr. E. Moore.) 



73. EUi si legge che al tempo di san Gregorio papa si cavo a Roma 
una fossa per fare fondamento d' uno lavorio, e cavando li maestri, 
trovonno sotto terra uno monumento, lo quale fu aperto, e dentro 
era in fra 1' altre ossa quello della testa del defunto, ed avea la lingua 
cosi rigida, carnosa e fresca, come fusse pure in quella ora seppellita. 
Considerato li maestri che molto tempo era scorso da quello die a 
quello, che potea essere stato seppellito lo detto defunto, tenneno 
questa invenzione della lingua essere gran meraviglia, e publiconno 
a molta gente. Alle orecchie di san Gregorio venne tal novita, 
fessela portare dinanzi, e congiurolla dalla parte di Dio vivo e vero ; 
e per la fede cristiana, della quale elli era sommo pontefice, ch' ella 
li dovesse dire di che coudizione fu nella prima vita. La lingua 
rispuose : io fu Traiano imperadore di Roma, che signoreggiai nel 
cotale tempo, dappoi che Cristo discese nella Vergine, e sono 
air inferno perch' io non fui con fede. Investigate Gregorio della 
condizione di cestui per quelle scritture che si trovonno, si trovo 



ch'elli fu uomo di graudissima giustizia e misoricordiosa persona; 
e tra I'altre novelle trovo, che essendo armato e cavalcando con 
tutte le sue milizie fuori di Roma, andando per grandi fatti, una 
vedovella si gitto dinnanzi al cavallo in ginocchio, dicendo alio detto 
imperadore ch'elli li facesse ragione, con cio fosse che uno suo 
figliuolo gli era stato morto. Lo imperadore avendo il cuore al sul 
viaggio disse: Donna aspetta che noi torniamo di questa oste, dove 
andiamo. La vedovella pronta rispose : Ma se tu non tornassi, come 
andrebbe la vicenda ? E lo imperadore rispuose : Colui che sara 
imperadore allora fariie la vendetta tua. E la vedovella disse : Ma 
che grado ne avero io a te, io che mo che tu la puoi fare, tu la metti 
in indugia ? Allora lo imperadore costretto da giustizia e da pietade, 
non si parti di quello luogo, che elli mando e chiamare colui ch' avea 
fatto lo omicidio, e trovossi essere figliuolo del detto imperadore 
Traiano. Apresentato dinanzi da lui lo suo figliuolo per malfattore 
chiamo la vedovella, e disse : Or vedi costui che e mo mio figliuolo, e 
quello che ha commesso 1' omicidio. Qual vuoi tu innanzi o ch' ello 
mora, ch'io tel dia per tuo figliuolo? E sappi certamente ch'io 
il ti daro si libero, ch' io non avro piii a fare in lui, ne elli in me, 
e sara cosi tuo suddito, come se tu I'avessi portato nel tuo corpo. 
Pensato la vedovella che' 1 suo figliuolo morto non risuscitava perche 
questo morisse, disse che lo voleva per suo figliuolo, e cosi 1' ebbe, e 
possideolo da quell' ora innanzi. Fatta questa vendetta lo impera- 
dore cavalco a suo viaggio. 

Per le quali istorie cosi bontadose lo detto san Gregorio si mosse 
a pregare Dio per lui, e tanto prego che' 1 detto Traiano risuscito, e 
visse al mondo e fu battezzato, e tiensi ch' elli sia mo salvo. Yero 
e che perche il detto san Gregorio fece preghiera per dannato, voile 
Dio per penitenzia di tal peccato, che da quel die innanzi per tutta 
la sua vita elli avesse male di stomaco. E dice 1' autore che questa 
istoria di Traiano imperadore e della vedovella era scolpita apresso 
li due, di che e fatto raenzione, siccome appare nel testo, la quale 
corrisponde alia terza malizia della superbia come e detto. 

(Commentary of Jacopo dalla Lana, Milan, 1865, p. 201.) 




Brit. Mus. MS. Royal 7 E. iv, fol. 275 b. 

§ Et non solum ipsi leges & iustic/as (^uas in extraneis obsejTiari 
volunt obseruent . ?,ed & suos propinq?f("s3i?«os & carissimos illas 
seruare faciaw^ exe?«plo t?-aiani impe;-atoris de quo scn"bi^«?' quod 
tanta>H in suis iusticiajn excercu(t quod filiuw prop;-m»i ad se/Tiiendi<»J 
cuidaw vidue tr«did/t quia &lius suus indiscrete equitando vidue filiu/n 
i»?potentem pro main's seruic^o fece^-at . § Et no« solum eic in seipsis 
ve\ suis familiaribt^ leges suas obse/uare debent . sed qiiandoque 
propter suorwrn Ministroruwi defectum . vel propter caifsas & querelas 
ad eos diucj-sis catfsis deuolutas . ipsiqj^e quandoque inter alios 
iudicare debere^t . paupe^ni^Hqwe cognosce?^ cae<sffls . exemplum ad 
hoc hfflfeent in factis sancti Lodowici. d. 12. 4. & in gestis traiani 
i???peratoris in quibns continetj<r quod ad belluwi cu?w excercitu 
pergeHS . vidua?;; qMflmda)« obuiaw h«&uit que eum pro iustic/a in 
causa sua facie/ida inte?-pellauit. Cui ille promistt quod in reditu 
ei iusticiam faceret. Cui ilia. Quid si no« redieris ? tu«c inquit 
successor mews tibi iusticia?u faciei. Cui ilia. Tu nu»c mihi debitor 
es & no)i successor tuus. Si ergo mihi iusticiam non feceris fraudem 
mihi facis & peccas de quo factum successoris tui te no?j liberab/t 
quia factsi tua tibi valebu?it vel nocebunt . & facfa sua ei valebunt 
vel nocebunt & non tibi . quia iusticm iwsti super eum erit & impietas 
i;«pii siq^ev eum erit. "Ezechiel. 18. qui sic conclusMS ei iusticiawj 
fecit . propfer bee & alia iustic/e opera bea^MS gi-egorius postmodw/H 
pro illo orasse legit?<r ad salute»i qui se nu«c propter talia iusticie 
[F. 276 a.] opera in [ celis coronatu?H vide^ts dice^-e potest illud. Thi 4. reposita 
est mihi corona iusticie.^ Noto L. 3. 8. Item. P. 10. 2. § Hor»m 
ergo exewjplo. Si vere vtiqwe iusticiawi loqj«'»t/ni recte iudicate in P. 
§ Sed heu nonnuUi moderni iustici'e aduocati & iudices ut dicunt 
de iustic/a locuntwr legesqu« conduct qjtas nee in seipsis nee in 
proximis nee in ex^raneis aliquid eis dantibzts obse;Tiaut . quoria?f 
pericwlMm ipatet Ezechiel 5. co?jtempsit inqwi'd iudicia mea vt -plus 

^ Printed text inserts : ' Nota de iudice cuius caput londonijs in funda- 
mentu7n eccZesie sancti pauli iuuentum fuit etc' 


essei imi^ia qiiam gentes & preeepta mea vltra qtiam terre que iu 
cj^xjuitu eitts su«t & iux^a iudicia gentium non estis operati sicud 
-per -p>-edictsi patet Qxempla ideo \\ec Aicii dommtts . patns comedent^ 
filios & filii padres . 3^ pars peste & fame & 3'' pors gladio morietio* 
&c. Noto de hac materia L. 5. 4. quod videlicet tales vind/c<e propter 
peccafa contingMMt. 

Fol. 286a(L. 3. 8). 
§ 2° illa»« ab aZus obseruari facia>jt . quia quid valet legewi co?jdeie 
nisi execuciowi & ohseruacioni demandetttr. No^« ergo propnis 
parcat laboribws vel dispendiis quin leges taw a carissimis & -ptv- 
pinq«/ssimis quani et ab aZiis omnibus subiectis obseruari faciant. 
Exenipliim vnu/n ad hoc hahetnr de tr«iano. J. 13. 8. 

Fol. 468 a (P. 10. 2). 

& prfsoniat a pe«a seu morte eterna -patet per exemphim de traiano 
& vidua. J. 13. 8. 

ROLEVINCK : De Laude Veteris Saxoniae 

Capitulum III 

De moribus Westplialonum autequam ad fidem conveiterentur. 

Rem novam, ut supra protestatus sum, ago et idcirco correctorem 
in his suppliciter exoro ut, quae minus ad normam vadunt, ipse ad 
meliorem et certiorem formam aptare dignetur. De vita ergo paren- 
tum nostrorum, ex quibus originem traximus, quoad pristinam aeta- 
tem, sicut et de ceteris gentibus, flebile est aliquid narrare, quoniam, 
ut ex multis signis perpendimus, omnes paene in miserabile illud 
sacrilegium sive idolatriae crimen corruerunt, dicente scriptura de 
behemoth, id est hoste antiquo : Absorbebit fluvium et non mirabitur, 
et habebit fiduciam quod lordanis influat in os eius. Quod exponens 
beatus Gregorius dicit : Antiquus hostis pro magno non habet, quod 
infideles rapit, qui totum humanum genus paene per tot temporum 

^ MS. comedet. 



spatia in ventrem suae malitiae traxit, scd insuper fiduciam liabet, 
quod baptismo regenerates absorbere possit. Ex his et aliis satis 
patet, quod per multa millia annorum progenitoresnostrihicinfideli- 
tervixerunt et tandem pro suis peccatis ad inferna descenderunt et 
illic aeterna supplicia infeliciter luant. Dicit enim apostolus, quod 
impossibile est sine fide placere deo. Pie tamen creditor, quod 
Clemens deus aliquos electos inter eos habuit, secundum illud psalmi : 
Numquid in vanum constituisti omnes filios hominum ? Haec ex 
sententia beati Augustini probari aliqualiter possunt in xvili de 
civitate Dei, ubi loquitur de sancto lob, qui nee circumcisus fuit nee 
legem aliquam accepit, et tamen cum suis prolibus et amicis deo 
fideliter servivit. Item xvi libro dicit, quod post benedictionem 
filiorum Noe usque ad Abraham nulla fit mentio iustorum aliquorum, 
nee eos tamen defuisse crediderim, quoniam si omnes commemoraren- 
tur, nimis longum fieret. Item circa annos domini dccLxxxx in Con- 
stantinopoli lamina aurea inventa est super corpus cuiusdam defuncti 
in quodam sepulchro, in qua sic scriptum erat : Christus nascetur de 
virgine Maria et ego credo in eum. sol iterum videbis me, sub 
Constantino et Irene. Circa annum domini ut puto Mcc in Vienna 
repertum fuit caput cuiusdam defuncti, lingua adhuc integra cum 
labiis, et loquebatur recte. Episcopo autem interrogante qualis 
fuisset in vita, respondit : Ego eram paganus et index in hoc loco, 
nee unquam lingua mea protulit iniquam sententiam, quare etiam 
mori non possum, donee aqua baptismi renatus ad coelum evolem, 
quod propter hoc banc gratiam apud deum merui. Baptizato igitur 
capite, statim lingua in favillam corruit et spiritus ad dominum evo- 
lavit. Ex his et similibus colligere possumus, quod divina misericordia 
verisimiliter egerit erga ceteras gentes, in quibus magna virtutum 
exempla reperimus, 

{De Laude Veteris Saxoniae, Wernerus Rolevinck, ed. Dr. Ludwig 
Tross, Koln, 1865, pp. 28, 30.) 



PIERS PLOWMAN : (i) B. xi. 132-71 

' That is soth,' seyde Scripture •' may no synne lette 
Mercy alle to amende • and mekenesse hir folwe, 
For they beth as owre bokes telleth • aboue goddes werkes, 
Misericordia ehis super omnia opera eius.'' 

' 5ee ! baw for bokes ! ' quod one • was broken oute of helle, 
Hijte Troianus, had ben a trewe knyjte • toke witnesse at a pope, 
How he was ded and dampned • to dwellen in pyne, 
For an vncristene creature ; • ' clerkis wyten the sothe, 
That al the clergye vnder Cryste • ne mi5te me cracche fro helle, 
But onliche loue and leaute • and my lawful domes. 
Gregorie wist this wel • and wilned to my soule 
Sauacioun, for sothenesse • that he seigh in my werkes. 
And, after that he wepte • and wilned me were graunted 
Grace, wyth-outen any bede-byddynge • his bone was vnderfongen, 
And I saued, as 59 may se • with-oute syngyng of masses ; 
By loue, and by lernynge • of my lyuyng in treuthe, 
Brou5te me fro bitter peyne -there no biddyng my^te.' 

Lo, 56 lordes, what leute did • by an emperoure of Rome, 
That was an vncrystene creature • as clerkes fyndeth in bokes. 
Noujt thoi-w preyere of a pope • but for his pure treuthe 
Was that Sarasene saued • as seynt Gregorie bereth witnesse. 
Wel ou^te 56 lordes, that lawes kepe • this lessoun to haue in mynde. 
And on Troianus treuth to thenke • and do treuthe to the peple. 

This matir is merke for mani of 50wac, men of holy cherche. 
The Legende Sanctomm 50W lereth-more larger than I 50W telle! 
Ac thus lele loue • and lyuynge in treuthe 
Pulte oute of pyne • a paynym of Rome. 
I-blessed be treuthe • that so brak helle-jates, 
And saued the Sarasyn • fram Sathanas and his power. 
There no clergie ne couthe • ne kunnynge of lawes. 
Loue and leute • is a lele science ; 
For that is the boke blessed • of blisse and of ioye : — 
God wou3t it and wrot hit • with his on fynger. 
And toke it Moyses vpon the mount • alle men to lere. 



PIERS PLOWMAN: (i) C. xiii. 71-99 

' That is sothe,' seide Scripture • ' may no synne lette 
Mercy, that hue nel al amende • yf meeknesse here folwe ; 
Thei bothe, as our bookes telleth • aren aboue godes werkes ; 
Misericordia eiits super omnia opera ehis.'' 

' Ye, baw for bookes ! ' quath on • was broken out of helle — 
' Ich, Troianns, a trewe knyght • ich take witness of a pope, 
How ich was ded, and dampned-to dwellen in helle 
For an vncristene creature ; • seynt Gregorie wot the sothe, 
That althe Cristendome vnder Crist- ne myghte cracche me thennes 
Bote onliche loue and leaute • as in my lawes demynge ! 
Gregore wiste this wel • and wilnede to my soule 
Sauacion, for the sothnesse- that he seih in myn werkes ; 
And for he wilnede wepynge • that ich were saued, 
God of hus goodnesse • seih hus gi'ete wil ; 
With-oute moo bedes byddyng • hus bone was vnderfonge, 
And ich ysaued, as je may see • with-oute syngynge of masse. 
Loue, withoute leel by-leyue • and my lawe ryghtful 
Sauede me Sarrasyn • soule and body bothe.' 

Lo, lordes ! what Leaute dude • and leel dom y-used ! 
Wel auhte 36 lordes that lawes kepen • this lesson to haue in mynde. 
And on Troianus treuthe to thenke • alle tymes of ^oure lyue. 
And louye for joure lordes loue • and do leaute euere more. 



'Lawe with-outen loue,' quod Ttvianns • ' leye there a bene, 
Or any science vnder sonne • the seuene artz and alle, 
But if thei ben lerned for owre lordes loue • loste is alle the tynie :' — 
For no cause to cacche siluer there-by • ne to be called a mayster, 
But al for loue of owre lorde • and the bet to loue the peple. 
For seynte lohan seyde it -and soth aren his wordes, 

" Qui non diliyit, manet in moiie - 
Who so loueth noujte, leue me -he lyueth in deth-deyinge".' 

PIERS PLOWMAN: (ii) B. xii. 275-93 

'Alle thise clerkes,' quod I tho -'that on Cryst leuen, 
Seggen in hei" sarmones • that noyther Sarasenes ne lewes, 
Neno creature of Cristeslyknesse- with-outen Crystendomeworth saued.' 

' Contiu' quod Ymagynatyf tho -and comsed for to loure, 
And seyde , ' saluahitur vix iustus in die iudicij. 
Ergo saluahitur,'' quod he  and seyde namore Latyne. 
' Troianus was a trewe knyjte • and toke neuere Cristendome, 
And he is sauf, so seith the boke • and his soule in heuene. 
For there is fullyng of fonte • and fullyng in blode-shedynge, 
And thorugh fuire is fullyng • and that is ferme bileue ; 

Aduenit ignis diuinus, non comhiirens, sed illumi>ians, etc. 

Ac trewth that trespassed neuere • ne transuersed a5eines his lawe, 
But lyueth as his lawe techeth • and leueth there be no bettere, 
And if there were, he -wolde amende • and in suche wille deyeth, 
Ne wolde neuere trewe god • but treuth were allowed ; 
And where it worth or worth nou5t • the bileue is grete of treuth. 
And an hope hangyng ther-inne • to haue a mede for his treuthe. 
For, Beus dicitur quasi dans vitam eternani suis, hoc est, Jidelibusj 

et alibi ; 
Si ambulauero in medio vmhre mortis, etc. 

The glose graunteth upon that vers • a gret mede to treuthe, 
And witt and wisdome,' quod that wye • ' was somme tyme tresore. 
To kepe with a comune • no katel was holde bettere, 
And moche murth and manhod: '—and ri3t with that he vanesched. 



For lawe with-oute leaute • leye tber a bene I 
Other eny science vnder sonne • the aeuene ars and alle, 
Bote loue and leaute hem lede • y-lost is al the tyme 
Of hym that traueleth ther-on • bote treuthe be bus lyuynge. 
Lo, loue and leaute • been oure lordes bookes, 
And Cristes owen cleregie • he cam fro heuene to teche hit, 
And sitthe seynt lohau • seide hit of hus techynge ; 
" Qui non diligit, manet in morte ".' 

PIERS PLOWMAN: (ii) C. xv. 200-17 

'Alle these clerkes,' quath ich tho • ' that on Crist byleyuen, 
Seggen in here sarmons • that nother Sarrasyns ne lewes 
With-oute baptisme, as by here bokes • beeth nat ysaued.' 

^Contra,' quath Ymaginatif tho -and comsed to loure, 
And seide, ' uix saluabitur iustus in die iudicii ; 
Ergo saluabitur, quath he • and seide no more Latyn. 
' Traianus was a trewe knyght • and took neuere Ciystendome, 
And he is saf, seith the bok • and his soule in heuene. 
Ther is follyng of font • and follyng in blod-shedynge, 
And thorw fuyr is follyng • and al is ferm by-leyue ; 

Aduenit ignis diuinus, non comhurens sed illuminans. 
Ac treuthe, that trespassede neuere • ne transuersede a3ens the lawe, 
Bote lyuede as his lawe tauhte • and leyueth ther be no bettere. 
And yf ther were, he woide-and in suche a wil deyeth — 
Wolde neuere trewe god -bote trewe treuthe were a-]owed. 
And where hit worth other nat worth • the by-leyue is gret of 

And hope hongeth ay ther-on • to haue that treuthe deserueth ; 
Quia super patica jftdelis fuisti, supra multa te constituam : 
And that is loue and large huyre • yf the lord be trewe, 
And cortesie more than couenant was • what so clerkes carpen ; 
For al worth as god wole ' — and ther-with he vanshede. 

(Piers the Plowman, ed. W. W. Skeat, Oxford, 1886.) 


PR Erkenwald, Saint 
1968 St, Erkenwald